t\w  ^Heolagia/  ^ 


PRINCETON,  N.  J. 


Purchased  by  the  Hamill  Missionary  Fund. 


Division  D6J35 


Section 


,„.J3  73 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2016 


https://archive.org/detaiis/china00doug_1 


CHINA 


IDOL  AT  THE  RACE-COURSE.  AMOY. 


THE  STORY  OF  THE  NATIONS 


CHINA 


V 

ROBERT  K.  DOUGLAS 


NEW  YORK 

G.  P.  PUTNAM’S  SONS 

LONDON:  T.  FISHER  UNWIN 
1899 


PREFACE 


The  antiquity  of  China  is  so  great,  and  the  history 
of  the  Empire  covers  so  vast  a period  that  it  was 
plainly  impossible  to  compress  the  whole  subject 
within  the  limits  of  a single  volume  of  this  series.  It 
was  determined,  therefore,  to  limit  the  record,  in  the 
present  instance,  to  the  annals  of  the  Empire  from 
the  time  of  Marco  Polo  to  the  present  day,  leaving 
the  earlier  history  of  the  country  to  appear  later. 

As  is  well  known,  the  Chinese  possess  histories  of 
their  various  dynasties,  and  they  attempt  to  insure 
that  these  should  be  truthful  records  by  ruling  that 
the  events  of  each  dynasty  should  not  be  described 
by  contemporary  historians  but  by  authors  under  the 
succeeding  regime.  It  might  be  supposed  that  this 
system  would  entail  the  compilation  of  biased  and 
ex  parte  chronicles.  But  happily  Chinese  historians, 
like  the  rest  of  their  countrymen,  are  so  entirely 
dev'oid  of  patriotism  that  they  have  no  inducement 
to  pervert  facts,  or  to  trim  their  sails  to  the  neces- 
sities of  party  feeling. 

Generally  truthful  as  these  historians  are,  however, 

their  works  yet  labour  under  the  defect  common  to 

* 


ix 


X 


PREFACE 


all  Oriental  histories  of  being  records  of  the  Court  and 
camp  rather  than  of  the  life  of  the  people  ; and  it  is 
only  b/  reference  to  miscellaneous  works  that  it  is 
possible  to  obtain  the  side-lights  necessary  to  illus- 
trate the  true  progress  of  the  nation. 

Among  the  authorities  I have  consulted  are  the 
following  : — The  native  dynastic  histories  ; the  Sheng 
Wu  Ki,  or  the  wars  of  the  present  dynasty,  by  Wei 
Yuen  ; various  native  biographical  works  ; \.h.Q  Peking 
Gazette  ; the  Parliamentary  Blue  Books  ; the  Histories 
of  Wells  Williams,  Boulger,  and  Macgowan  ; “The 
Jesuits  in  China,”  by  R.  Jenkins;  “A  Narrative  of 
Events  in  China,”  by  Lord  Loch  ; “ The  Ever  Victo- 
rious Army,”  by  Andrew  Wilson,  &c. 

ROBERT  K.  DOUGLAS. 

January,  1899. 


CONTENTS 


I. 

PAGE 

The  Early  History  of  the  Empire  . . 1-23 

Akkadian  affinities — The  reign  of  Yao— The  Shang  dynasty 
— The  Chow  dynasty — Confucius — Teachings  of  Confucius — 

The  burning  of  the  books — The  reign  of  Kaoti — The  intro- 
duction of  Buddhism  — The  T’ang  dynasty  — The  K’itan 
Tartars. 


II. 

The  Yuan  and  Ming  Dynasties  . . . 24-63 

The  first  Catholic  missionaries  — Kublai  Khan  — Kublai’s 
campaigns — The  Burmese  campaign — Kublai’s  tolerance — 
Death  of  Kublai — A rebellious  monk — The  Hanlin  College 
— The  close  of  Hungwu’s  reign — Yunglo’s  administration  — 

The  Emperor  a prisoner  — Ricci’s  religious  successes — A 
Japanese  invasion — An  Empress  Regent — Spain  and  the 
Philippines — A rebellious  son — K’anghsi  and  the  mis- 
sionaries— Missionary  quarrels. 

III. 

The  Rise  of  the  Manchus  ....  64-130 

Nurhachu — Manchu  victories— Chinese  soldiers — Portuguese 
auxiliaries — A Chinese  Joan  of  Arc — Death  of  the  Emperor 
xi 


Xll 


CONTENTS 


— A treacherous  plot  — The  first  Manchu  artillery  — A 
desperate  expedient  — Capture  of  Peking  — An  outraged 
husband — A great  battle — Removal  of  capital — The  last 
throes  of  a dynasty  — Sack  of  Yangchow  — A pirate — 
Koxinga — Death  of  Kwei  Wang — A rebuff  to  Russia — A 
slaughter  of  women — K’anghsi’s  tolerance — Wu  Sankwei 
invited  to  Peking — Imperial  barbarities — Tartar  irruptions — 
Defeat  of  the  Russians  — Tartar  treacherj"  — K’anghsi’s 
Letter  of  Indictment — K’anghsi  before  his  God — A diamond 
jubilee — Strictures  on  strange  sects — Bishop  Maigrot — ^Jesuit 
investments — ^Jesuit  virtues. 


IV. 

The  Reigns  of  Yungcheng  and  Ch’ienlung.  131-138 

Too  potent  a satrap  — A Portuguese  envoy  — Imperial 
disasters. 


V. 

The  Reign  of  Ch’ienlung  {continued)  . . 1 39-1 71 

“Vce  Victis” — A Mongol  campaign — Triumphant  generals — 
Emigration  of  Tourgots — “The  flight  of  a Tartar  tribe” — 

A Burmese  war  — Peace  with  Burma  — A rebellion  of 
aborigines  — Imperial  bad  faith  — Fighting  in  Formosa — 
Revolt  in  Cochin  China — -A  Lama’s  revenge  — Fall  of 
Tashilumbo — Submission  of  the  Gurkhas. 


VI. 

The  Opening  of  Diplomatic  Intercourse  with 

China  .......  172-188 

Opening  of  trade — An  adventurous  trader— An  Englishman 
strangled — Lord  Macartney’s  presents— Lord  Macartney  at 
Jehol — Ill-gotten  gains — Ch’ienlung  abdicates. 


CONTENTS 


Xlll 


VII. 

PAGE 

The  Reign  of  Chiach’ing,  and  the  First  Years 

OF  HIS  Successor 189-206 

Would-be  assassins — China  appeals  for  help — Russia  and 
the  K’ot’ow — Rude  treatment  of  Lord  Amherst — A reproving 
statesman — A filial  eulogy — Russian  college  at  Peking — A 
vicious  prince. 


VIII. 

Foreign  Relations  with  China  . . . 207-253 

Opposition  to  opium  — Tyranny  at  Canton  — Chinese  im- 
pertinence— Insincere  anti-opiumists — Lin’s  conditions — A 
statesman’s  career — Lin’s  fall — Preparations  for  war — British 
victories  — Chinese  inconsistencies  — Peace  concluded  — 
Massacre  of  Englishmen — Secret  societies — The  Cantonese 
obdurate — Hung’s  visions — Rebel  successes  — An  impious 
proclamation — The  T’ienwang  called  to  account — A march 
on  Peking — Rebel  reverses. 


IX. 


The  Second  China  War  ....  254-274 

An  ominous  portent — Imperial  remonstrances — Bowring  and 
Yeh — The  Arrow  affair — Lord  Elgin  appointed —Keppel’s 
attack  on  Fatshau — Capture  of  Yeh — The  Government  of 
Canton  — The  capture  of  the  Taku  forts  — A reward  for 
Parkes’s  head. 


X. 


The  War  of  i860  ......  275-311 

The  defeat  at  Taku — Sankolinsin’s  tactics — Preliminary 
skirmishes — The  Viceroy’s  treachery — The  natives  friendly — 
Negotiations  for  peace— Parkes  and  Loch  — A treacherous 
capture — Scene  in  the  Board  of  Punishments — The  French 
in  Yuan-ming-yuan — Release  of  Parkes  and  Loch — Signature 
of  Treaty  — Sankolinsin  degraded — Jehol  and  Peking — 
Execution  of  conspirators. 


XIV 


CONTEXTS 


XL 

PAGE 

The  T’aip’ing  Rebellion  ....  312-336 

The  faithful  prince — Imperialist  disasters — Ward’s  force — 

The  turn  of  the  tide — Quarrel  between  Li  and  Burge  v-ine  — 

The  Ever  Victorious  Army — A mutiny  in  the  ranks — 
DisafTection  at  Soochow  — Li’s  yellow  jacket  — FaH  o^ 
Nanking — The  Ever  Victorious  Army  disbanded. 


XII. 

The  Nienfei  and  Mohammedan  Rebellions  . 337-359 

Mohammedans  in  Vunnan  — A viceregal  suicide  — Mo- 
hammedan disaffection  — Treacherous  murders  — Massacres 
in  Tali  Fu — A Mongolian  campaign — Imperial  victories — 

The  Tsungli  Vamen — Foreign  arsenal — A riot  at  Vangchow 
— Murder  of  a Frenchman. 


XIII. 

The  Close  of  T’ungchih’s  Reign  and  the  First 

Years  of  that  of  Kwanghsu  . . . 360-432 

The  Tientsin  massacre — Wade’s  impeachment— Li  Hung- 
chang  at  Tientsin — Execution  of  criminals — The  missionary 
difficulty^ — The  choice  of  an  Imperial  bride  — Nuptial 
ceremonies  — The  audience  question  — In  the  Imperial 
presence — Official  impertinence  — A difficulty  with  Japan — 
Death  of  T’ungchih — The  Empress’s  virtues — The  murder 
of  Margary — Affairs  in  Yunnan — A Chinese  minister  at  St. 
James’s — A famine — The  Wusung  railway — Another  Korean 
difficulty — The  Korean  Regent  kidnapped — Military  reform 
— The  French  in  Tongking  — Defeat  of  the  French  — 
Destruction  of  the  Chinese  fleet — The  conclusion  of  peace — 
Naval  eccentricities — Restoration  of  Port  Hamilton  — The 
Dowager  Empress  — An  Imperial  exhortation  — The  Em- 
peror's marriage — A gracious  edict — The  audience  question 
settled — Riots  on  the  Vangtsze — Political  insincerity. 


CONTENTS 


XV 


XIV. 

PAGE 

The  War  with  Japan,  and  Recent  Events  . 433-449 

The  battle  of  Asan— A naval  engagement — The  fall  of  Port 
Arthur — Suicide  of  Ting — The  Dowager  Empress’s  Jubilee — 

The  impotence  of  China — Foreign  aggressions — The  prospect 
in  the  future. 

Index 451 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 


IDOL  AT  THE  RACE-COURSE,  AMOY  . 

t’a  ki,  chow  sin’s  empress  . 

CONFUCIUS  WITH  HIS  DISCIPLES 

GRAVE  OF  CONFUCIUS  . . . . 

OUTSIDE  THE  WALLS,  PEKING  . 

THE  OLD  FOREIGN  FACTORIES,  CANTON  . 

CHINESE  BARROW-MAN  GOING  HOME 

A MONUMENT  AT  MOUKDEN 

A MANCHU  OFFICIAL  AND  LADY 

CHINESE  NATIVE  SOLDIERS,  WITH  OFFICFR 

A STREET  SCENE  IN  MOUKDEN 

A CHINESE  GENERAL 

A MANCHURIAN  THEATRE 

TRAVELLING  IN  MANCHURIA 

MINING  IN  SHANSI  ..... 

A MANCHU  LADY  

xvii 


Frontispiece 

PAGE 

8 

12 

13 

• 25 
49 

• 59 

• 65 
. 66 

69 

7T 

73 

75 

77 

82 

. 85 


XVlll 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 


PAGE 

MANCHU  WOMEN  AND  CHILD 89 

A “ CAMEL-BACK  ” BRIDGE 92 

DECAPITATION 96 

A MANCHURIAN  LANDSCAPE  .....  99 

A .STREET  SCENE  IN  PEKING 120 

A CHINESE  BARROW  RIDE I47 

THE  LAMA  TEMPLE  AT  PEKING  . . . .167 

A CHINESE  DINNER-PARTY 1 79 

A CHINESE  COOLIE 181 

OPIUM  SMOKERS 209 

PRISONERS  WEARING  THE  “ CANGUE  ” . . . 223 

A RIVER  SCENE 229 

H.E.  SIR  HARRY  S.  PARKES,  K.C.B 239 

ENTRANCE  TO  THE  TSUNGLI  YAMEN^  PEKING  . -256 

AFTER  CAPTURE  OF  TAKU  FORTS  . . . *283 

A PEASANT  WOMAN  AND  CHILDREN  ....  286 

SIR  THOMAS  FRANCIS  WADE,  K.C.B.  . . . . 29I 

PAGODA  AT  YUAN-MING-YUAN,  NEAR  PEKING  . . 299 

ANGLO-CHINESE  CONTINGENT ARTILLERY  . • 3^3 

COURTYARD  OF  TSUNGLI  YAMEN  AT  PEKING  . *354 

THE  COURTYARD  OF  AN  INN  IN  MANCHURIA  . . 366 

A MANCHU  SWEETMEAT-SELLER  . . . -372 

A HOUSE  IN  SHANSI 393 

A ROADWAY  SCENE  IN  KOREA  . . . . -397 

A KOREAN  SEDAN-CHAIR  ...  ...  399 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 


XIX 


PAGE 


INTERIOR  OF  THE  TSUNGLI  YAMEN,  PEKING  . . 408 

THE  TEMPLE  OF  HEAVEN,  PEKING  ....  420 

CURRENT  COIN  . . . . . . *423 

A CHINESE  PROFESSOR  . . . . . >427 

A HOUSE  IN  MANCHURIA  . , , . . -437 

A MANCHURIAN  CART  ......  439 

A JINRIKSHA  . . . . . . . .441 

A DAGOBA  AT  MOUKDEN 445 


1 

THE  EARLY  HISTORY  OF  THE  EMPIRE 

Of  all  the  great  Empires  of  antiquity,  China  alone 
has  preserved  its  existence  in  defiance  of  the  dis- 
integrating effects  of  time  and  the  assaults  of  her 
enemies.  While  the  ancient  Empires  of  Egypt, 
Babylonia,  and  Assyria  have  waxed  and  waned, 
she  has  maintained  her  position  in  the  Eastern 
world,  and  has  enlarged  rather  than  diminished 
her  boundaries. 

The  earliest  existing  records  of  the  people  describe 
them  as  a small  body  of  settlers  dwelling  in  the  fertile 
regions  of  North-eastern  China,  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  the  Yellow  River.  By  degrees  as  they  consolidated 
their  Empire  and  established  a definite  form  of 
government,  they  forced  back  the  native  tribes  which 
had  originally  hemmed  them  in, and  extended  their  rule 
over  the  regions  lying  to  the  west  and  south  of  their 
original  location.  As  centuries  went  by  they  threw 
out  colonies  into  the  outer  regions,  and  after  the 
manner  which  may  still  be  observed  in  their  dealings 
with  the  Manchurians  and  Mongolians,  made  these 
colonies  first  centres  for  the  spread  of  Chinese 

2 ^ 


2 


THE  EARLY  HISTORY  OF  THE  EMPIRE 


influence,  and  then  bases  on  which  to  work  the 
lever  of  empire.  Pushing  on  in  this  way  they 
crossed  the  Yang-tsze-kiang  southwards  in  the 
third  century  B.C.,  and  thenceforth  adding  province 
to  province  they  established  the  Empire  as  it  now 
exists.  Throughout  their  whole  history  they  have 
shown  a marked  capacity  for  acquiring  territory,  and 
this  rather  by  the  peaceful  method  of  settling  on  the 
neighbouring  lands  than  by  invasion  and  conquest. 
They  have  none  of  the  characteristics  of  a warlike 
race,  and  their  triumphs  over  less  cultivated  peoples 
have  been  gained  rather  by  peaceful  advance  than  by 
force  of  arms.  In  almost  every  respect  we  are  taught 
by  their  records  that  they  differed  essentially  from 
the  tribes  by  whom  they  first  found  themselves  sur- 
rounded, and  hence  the  question  naturally  arises  who 
they  were,  and  whence  they  came  ? 

Many  suggestions  have  been  made  as  to  the  earlier 
habitat  of  this  people.  It  has  been  surmised  that 
they  may  have  migrated  from  the  plains  of  Sennaar  ; 
that  they  were  a colony  from  Egypt  ; and  that  they 
possessed  a Scythic  origin.  No  proofs  in  support  of 
these  guesses  at  history  have  been,  however,  forth- 
coming, and  it  was  reserved  for  the  late  Professor 
Terrien  de  Lacouperie  to  establish  with  many  incon- 
testable proofs  the  theory  that  they  had  migrated 
eastward  from  a region  on  the  south  of  the  Caspian 
Sea  in  about  the  twenty-third  century  B.C.  In 
support  of  his  proposition  Professor  Terrien  de 
Lacouperie  was  able  to  show  a marked  connection 
between  many  of  the  primitive  written  characters 
of  the  languages  of  Akkadia  and  China  ; as  well  as 


AKKADIAN  AFFINITIES 


3 


a marked  affinity  between  the  religious,  social,  and 
scientific  institutions  and  beliefs  of  the  two  peoples. 
In  the  twelve  Pastors,  among  whom  the  Emperor 
Yao  (2085-2004  B.C.)  apportioned  the  Empire,  he 
saw  a reflection  of  the  twelve  Pastor  Princes  of 
Susiana.  In  the  worship  of  Shang-Ti  and  the  six 
Honoured  Ones  he  recognised  the  supreme  god  and 
the  six  subordinate  deities  of  the  Susians.  In  the 
knowledge  possessed  by  the  Chinese  of  astronomy 
and  medicine  he  recognised  an  identity  with  the 
condition  of  those  sciences  in  Mesopotamia  ; and  he 
also  drew  attention  to  the  fact  which  recent  excavations 
in  Babylonia  have  brought  to  our  knowledge,  that 
the  canals  and  artificial  water-ways  of  China  suggest 
a striking  likeness  to  the  canals  with  which  the  whole 
of  Babylonia  must  have  been  intersected,  and  which 
cannot  but  have  been  as  characteristic  a feature  of 
that  country  as  similar  works  are  of  China  at  the 
present  day. 

Vast  migrations  have  been  by  no  means  uncommon 
in  Asiatic  history,  and  even  as  late  as  the  end  of  last 
century  we  know  that  a body  of  Kalmucks,  numbering 
six  hundred  thousand,  journeyed  from  the  frontiers  of 
Russia  to  the  confines  of  China.  This  migration, 
which  De  Quincey  has  made  immortal,  is  but  an 
example  of  the  movements  which  have  constantly 
taken  place  in  the  populations  of  Asia.  Plague, 
famine,  political  disturbances  have  all  had  their 
influences  in  the  constant  distribution  of  the  tribes 
and  nations  of  the  East,  and  there  is,  therefore,  nothing 
improbable  in  the  supposed  movement  of  the  Chinese 
tribes  from  Mesopotamia  to  the  banks  of  the  Yellow 


4 


THE  EARLY  HISTORY  OF  THE  EMPIRE 


Riv’er.  It  is  unnecessary  here  to  discuss  at  any 
further  length  the  early  habitat  of  the  Chinese 
people.  In  this  work  we  are  mainly  interested  in 
them  after  their  arrival  in  China,  and  for  the  purpose 
of  this  preliminary  sketch  we  are  not  called  upon  to 
go  beyond  the  traditional  records  of  the  nation. 

In  the  native  histories  the  records  of  the  race  are 
traced  back  to  a period  which  dwarfs  into  insignifi- 
cance the  antiquity  of  Eg}’pt  or  Chaldea,  and  though 
their  earlier  pages  rest  on  no  better  foundation  than 
traditional  fables,  there  is  yet  preserved  a substratum 
of  fact  on  which  it  is  safe  to  rest.  Like  the  first 
founders  of  every  Imperial  race  the  Chinese  leaders 
of  antiquity  are  represented  as  possessing  the  wisdom, 
and  almost  the  power  of  the  gods.  One  of  their  first 
leaders,  Fuhsi  by  name,  has  earned  eternal  fame  as 
having  designed  the  six  classes  of  written  characters  ; 
invented  the  system  of  horary  and  cyclical  notation  ; 
and  established  the  laws  of  marriage,  as  well  as 
having  devised  the  celebrated  eight  Diagrams  which 
are  popularly  supposed  to  be  the  basis  of  the 
renowned  “ Book  of  Changes.”  His  successor, 
Shennung,  is  supposed  to  have  instructed  the 
people  in  agriculture  ; to  have  established  public 
markets  ; and  to  have  discovered  the  medicinal 
properties  lying  dormant  in  the  herbs  of  the  field. 
In  the  portraits  common  to  official  biographies,  this 
ancient  sage  is  depicted  chewing  a long  stalk  of  some 
herb,  which  from  the  expression  of  his  face  is  plainly 
unpleasant  to  the  taste,  however  efficacious  it  may  be 
as  a medicine.  Hwangti,  the  next  sovereign,  came  to 
the  throne,  such  as  it  was,  in  2332  B.C.  Like  those 


THE  REIGN  OF  YAO 


5 


of  his  predecessors  his  reign  was  long,  and  is  said  to 
have  extended  over  a full  century.  He  taught  his 
people  to  manufacture  utensils  of  wood,  pottery, 
and  metal,  and  invented  a medium  of  currency. 
Professor  Terrien  de  Lacouperie  finds  a resemblance 
between  his  second  name,  Nai  Hwangti,  and  the 
Nakhunte  of  Elamite  history,  and  is  of  opinion  that 
he  never  ruled  in  China.  But  however  that  may  be, 
native  historians  dwell  on  his  wisdom  and  virtue  with 
untiring  unction. 

With  the  advent  to  power  of  the  Emperor  Yao 
(2085-2004  B.C.),  the  purely  fabulous  chapters  of 
Chinese  history  may  be  said  to  come  to  a close,  and 
at  this  point  Confucius  takes  up  the  pen.  According 
to  that  sage  Yao  was  “ all  informed,  intelligent,  ac- 
complished, and  thoughtful.”  With  a godlike  instinct 
he  ruled  the  “ black-haired  ” race,  and  by  the  influence 
of  his  example,  as  Confucius  insists,  he  led  all  men 
to  him.  Under  his  benign  administration  the  frontiers 
of  the  Empire  were  extended  from  23°  to  40°  X.,  and 
from  6°  west  of  Peking  to  10°  east  of  that  city.  On 
his  becoming  a “ Guest  on  high,”  Shun  was  chosen  to 
succeed  him,  and  it  was  during  the  reign  of  this 
monarch  that  a great  flood,  which  was  considered  by 
the  early  Jesuit  missionaries  to  have  been  the  flood 
of  Xoah,  devastated  large  districts  of  the  Chinese 
states.  Pace  the  missionaries,  this  catastrophe  was 
probably  nothing  more  than  one  of  those  outbreaks 
of  the  Yellow  River  which  periodically  la\"  waste  the 
country  lying  on  its  banks.  In  this  case  Yii,  a certain 
official,  was  appointed  to  lead  the  waters  back  to  their 
original  channel.  His  labours,  we  are  told,  extended 


6 


THE  EARLY  HISTORY  OF  THE  EMPIRE 


over  nine  years,  and  we  are  asked  to  believe  that  so 
absorbed  was  he  in  his  work  that  he  thrice  passed  the 
door  of  his  house  without  once  stopping  to  enter.  As 
a reward  for  this  signal  service  he  was  raised  to  the 
throne  on  the  death  of  Shun,  and  became  the  first 
sovereign  of  the  Hsia  dynasty  (1954-1687  B.C.). 
Among  the  other  exploits  of  this  sovereign  was  a 
redivision  of  the  Empire  into  nine  instead  of  eleven 
Provinces,  a description  of  which  rearrangement  was 
engraved,  for  the  benefit  of  posterity,  on  nine  brazen 
vessels  ; and  as  a crowning  testimony  to  his  worth, 
an  inscription  on  a stone  monument,  raised  for  the 
purpose  on  Mount  Heng,  recorded  the  benefits  which 
he  is  believed  to  have  conferred  on  his  subjects. 

Sixteen  sovereigns  ruled  in  succession  to  Yli,  and 
as  has  been  constantly  the  case,  not  only  in  China 
but  in  other  Oriental  countries,  there  was  a woful 
falling  off  in  his  successors  on  the  throne  from  the 
higher  standard  which  the  founder  of  the  dynasty  had 
set  them.  The  earnestness  and  single-mindedness 
which  belonged  to  Yli,  and  on  which  the  native 
historians  delight  to  linger,  no  longer  animated  his 
unworthy  followers  on  the  throne.  Self-indulgence 
and  cruelty  became  more  and  more  accentuated  as 
ruler  after  ruler  accepted  the  sceptre  of  empire,  until 
all  the  worst  passions  of  his  predecessors  found  ex- 
pression in  the  conduct  of  Chieh  Kwei,  who  reigned 
from  1739  to  1687  B.C.  According  to  the  traditional 
belief  of  the  ancient  Chinese,  a belief  which  was 
strongly  insisted  upon  by  the  philosopher  Mencius, 
it  becomes  the  bounden  duty  of  a people  to  raise  the 
standard  of  rebellion  when  the  ruler  persistently 


THE  SHANG  DYNASTY 


7 


acts  in  opposition  to  the  laws  of  heaven.  Such  a 
crisis  had  now  arrived.  By  public  oppression  of  the 
people,  and  private  outrages  on  their  properties  and 
persons,  Chieh  Kwei  placed  himself  beyond  the  pale. 
With  one  consent  his  subjects  rose  against  him  under 
the  leadership  of  a man  named  T’ang,  “ the  Com- 
plete,” who  justified  this  epithet  by  dethroning  the 
Emperor  and  proclaiming  himself  sovereign  by  the 
grace  of  God. 

The  story  of  the  Shang  or  Yin  Dynasty,  as  it  is 
variously  called,  is  but  a repetition  of  that  of  Hsia. 
The  virtuous  impetus  which  placed  the  sceptre  in 
T’ang’s  hand  was  gradually  dissipated  in  the  twenty- 
eight  reigns  which  followed  in  succession  to  his. 
Historians  make  a distinction  in  favour  of  one  or  two 
of  his  descendants,  but  the  general  tendency  was 
downwards,  and  like  another  Chieh  Kwei,  Chow  Sin 
brought  the  dynasty  to  an  end  by  his  crimes  and 
iniquities.  “ Wdld  extravagance,  unbridled  lust,  and 
the  most  ferocious  cruelty,  are  enumerated  among 
his  vices.  To  please  his  infamous  concubine,  T’aki, 
he  constructed  vast  palaces  and  pleasure  grounds 
where  every  .form  of  wild  debauchery  was  continually 
practised.”  As  was  said  by  a famous  statesman  of 
the  time,  “ the  house  of  Yin  can  no  longer  exercise 
rule  over  the  four  quarters  of  the  Empire.  The  great 
deeds  of  our  founder  have  enjoyed  and  still  enjoy  a 
wide  renown,  but  we  by  being  lost  and  maddened 
with  wine  have  destroyed  the  effects  of  his  virtue  in 
these  latter  days.  The  people  of  Yin,  both  small  and 
great,  are  given  to  highway  robberies,  villainies,  and 
treachery.  The  nobles  and  officers  imitate  one 


8 


THE  EARLY  HISTORY  OE  THE  EMPIRE 


another  in  violating  the  laws.  Evil-doers  receive  no 
punishment,  and  the  people  rise  up  and  commit 
violent  outrages  on  one  another.  The  dynasty  of 
Yin  is  now  sinking  to  its  ruin.  Its  condition  is  like 
one  crossing  a riv'er  who  can  find  neither  ford  nor 
bank.” 

To  the  remonstrances  of  his  ministers  Chow  Sin 
turned  a deaf  ear,  and,  in  a con- 
versation reported  by  Confucius, 
comforted  himself  with  the  reflec- 
tion that  as  Emperor  he  was  under 
the  protection  of  high  Heaven. 
“Your  crimes,”  replied  the  officer, 
“ which  are  many,  are  chronicled 
above,  and  how  can  you  speak  of 
your  fate  as  though  it  were  in  the 
charge  of  Heaven.  Yin  will  shortly 
perish.  As  to  your  deeds  they  can 
but  bring  ruin  on  the  country.’’ 
This  prophecy  was  soon  to  be  ful- 
filled. A leader  of  rebellion  was 
found  in  the  “Warlike  Prince,”  who 
drove  the  Emperor  from  his  throne 
t’a  ki.  chow  six’s  urged  him  to  suicide.  This 

action,  which  has  all  the  appearance 
of  being  revolutionary,  was  nevertheless  strictly  in 
accordance  with  Chinese  morality  and  met  with  the 
entire  approval  of  the  philosopher,  Mencius.  “ He 
who  outrages  benevolence,”  said  that  sage,  “ is  called 
a ruffian  : he  w^ho  outrages  righteousness  is  called  a 
villain.  The  ruffian  and  the  villain  we  call  a mere 
fellow.  I have  heard  of  the  cutting  off  of  the  fellow 


THE  CHOW  DYNASTY 


9 


Chow,  but  I have  not  heard  of  the  putting  of  a ruler 
to  death.” 

Following  the  usual  precedent  of  successful  rebel 
leaders  the  “Warlike  Prince”  seized  the  Imperial 
sceptre  with  the  full  approval  of  the  nation.  His- 
torians of  every  class,  from  Confucius  downwards, 
have  poured  unceasing  praise  on  the  administration 
of  the  ursurper,  who,  if  these  authorities  are  to  be 
believed,  was  graced  with  every  virtue  that  befits  a 
monarch.  By  his  magnanimous  conduct  he  fulfilled 
the  criterion  of  an  exemplary  ruler  laid  down  by 
Confucius,  by  drawing  all  men  to  him.  During  his 
reign  Embassies  arrived  from  the  Kings  of  Korea, 
Cochin  China,  and  other  distant  regions.  In  his 
warlike  expeditions  he  was  uniformly  successful,  and 
he  left  to  his  successor  a frontier  which  was  respected 
by  his  enemies,  and  an  Empire  which  was  the  envy 
of  his  allies.  Happily  for  the  State  the  succeeding 
two  or  three  sovereigns  worthily  maintained  the 
standard  set  them  by  their  great  predecessor.  They 
consolidated  the  Empire  and  secured  the  loyalty  and 
service  of  the  feudal  states.  History  does  not 
concern  itself  much  with  the  majority  of  the  later 
rulers  of  the  house  of  Chow,  as  the  new  dynasty  was 
styled,  but  draws  attention  with  some  emphasis  to 
Mu  Wang  (b.C.  1001-946),  and  finds  food  for 

reflection  in  his  conduct.  To  his  charge  is  laid  the 
crime  of  having  introduced  the  system  of  redeeming 
offences  by  the  payment  of  fines,  and  of  having  thus 
set  the  example  of  bribery  and  corruption  which  has 
since  wrought  such  havoc  in  the  morals  of  the  people 
and  their  rulers.  On  the  other  side  of  the  shield 


lO 


THE  EARLY  HISTORY  OF  THE  EMPIRE 


there  is  told  of  him  that  he  prosecuted  successful 
wars  against  the  tribes  on  the  western  frontier,  a fact 
which  has  given  rise  to  a legendary  account  of  a 
journey  which  he  is  supposed  to  have  made  to  the 
borders  of  the  Lake  of  Gems,  where  he  is  said  to 
have  been  hospitably  entertained,  with  all  the 
delights  of  a Mussulman’s  Paradise,  by  the  “ Royal 
Mother  of  the  M^est.” 

Rightly  to  understand  the  condition  of  the  country 
at  this  period,  it  is  necessary  to  remember  that  the 
kingdom  was  formed  of  a congerie  of  states,  each  of 
which  was  ruled  over  by  its  own  sovereign,  and  each 
of  which  owed  the  limp  and  uncertain  fealty  common 
to  subordinate  Oriental  princedoms  to  the  elected 
sovereign  of  the  predomiilant  kingdom  of  Chow.  No 
common  patriotism  bound  these  feudatories  to  their 
liege  lord,  and  it  was  only  by  the  strength  of  his 
right  arm  that  he  preserved  his  lordship  over  them. 
Any  sign  of  the  weakening  of  his  authority  was 
naturally  the  signal  for  a rising  on  the  part  of  the 
more  restless  princekins  against  his  power.  As  time 
went  on  and  the  Chow  state  fluctuated  in  wealth  and 
influence,  the  uprisings  of  the  more  ambitious  feuda- 
tories became  more  threatening  and  frequent.  The 
country  became  distracted  by  obscure  quarrels,  and 
open  disorder,  until  as  the  philosopher  Mencius 
graphically  writes  ; “ A host  marches  and  stores  of 
provisions  are  consumed,  the  hungry  are  deprived  of 
their  food,  and  there  is  no  rest  for  those  who  are 
called  on  to  toil.  Maledictions  are  uttered  from  one 
to  another  with  eyes  askance,  and  the  people  proceed 
to  the  commission  of  wickedness.  Then  the  royal 


CONFUCIUS 


II 


ordinances  are  violated,  the  people  are  oppressed,  and 
the  supplies  of  food  and  drink  flow  away  like  water. 
The  rulers  yield  themselves  to  the  current,  or  they 
urge  their  way  against  it.  They  are  wild,  they  are 
lost.  The  crime  of  him  who  connives  at  it  and  aids, 
the  wickedness  of  his  ruler  is  small,  but  the  crime  of 
him  who  anticipates  and  excites  that  wickedness  is 
great.  The  great  ofiflcers  of  the  present  day  are  all 
guilty  of  this  latter  crime,  and  I say  that  they  are 
sinners  against  the  princes.  Sage  kings  do  not  arise, 
and  the  princes  of  the  states  give  reins  to  their  lusts. 
In  their  stalls  there  are  fat  beasts,  and  in  their 
stables  there  are  fat  horses  ; but  their  people  have  the 
look  of  hunger,  and  in  their  fields  there  are  those  who 
have  died  of  famine.  This  is  leading  on  beasts  to 
devour  men.’ 

It  was  while  the  country  was  in  a condition  similar 
to  that  described  above  that  Confucius  was  born. 
We  might  leave  the  legendary  accounts  of  his 
miraculous  birth  and  early  days  to  the  recounters  of 
fables,  and  it  is  only  necessary  for  us  here  briefly  to 
consider  his  influence  on  politics.  To  students  of 
Chinese  history  that  influence  appears  to  be  out  of 
all  proportion  to  the  weight  of  his  words,  and  the 
convincing  force  of  his  doctrines.  He  found  the 
Empire  tempest-tossed  with  faction  and  disloyalty, 
and  he  believed  it  to  be  his  mission  to  lead  back  the 
sovereign  and  his  people  to  the  orthodox  condition 
of  affairs  which  existed  when  Yao  meted  out  the 
heavens  and  the  “ Warlike  Prince  ” exercised  his 
patriarchal  sway.  His  constant  theme  was  the  virtue 
of  the  ancient  sages,  and  his  panacea  for  all  political 


12 


THE  EARLY  HISTORY  OE  THE  EMPIRE 


ills  was  a return  to  the  traditional  virtue  of  those 
great  men.  During  his  lifetime  he  was  scouted  by 
not  a few  rulers  and  princekins,  and  achieved  success 
only  when  his  influence  was  regarded  as  necessary 
for  the  support  of  some  ruler  or  cause.  It  was  only 
after  his  death  that  people  turned  to  him  as  to  a 
great  leader  of  mankind,  and  for  the  last  three  and 
twenty  centuries  his  teachings  have  been  the  guiding 
star  of  the  nation  through  all  its  many  changes  and 


COXFLCIL’S  WITH  tiis  UiSClF.,ES. 


chances.  Loudly  he  deplored  the  anarchy  of  the 
time,  and  as  an  illustration  in  point  it  is  told  of  him 
that  on  one  occasion  as  he  journeyed  from  his  native 
state  to  that  of  Ch’i  he  saw  a woman  weeping  b\’  a 
tomb  at  the  roadside,  to  whom,  having  compassion 
upon  her,  he  sent  a disciple  to  ask  the  cause  of  her 
grief  “ You  weep,”  said  the  messenger,  “ as  if  you 
had  experienced  sorrow  upon  sorrow.”  “ I have,” 
said  the  woman.  “ My  father-in-law  was  killed  here 


TEACHINGS  OF  CONFUCIUS 


13 


by  a tiger,  and  my  husband  also  ; and  now  my  son 
has  met  the  same  fate.”  “Why  then  do  you  not 
move  from  this  place  ? ” asked  Confucius.  “ Because 


GRAVE  OF  CONFUCIUS. 

here  there  is  no  oppressive  government,”  answered 
the  woman.  Turning  to  his  disciples  Confucius 
remarked,  “ My  children,  remember  this,  oppressive 
government  is  fiercer  than  a tiger.” 


14 


THE  EARLY  HISTORY  OF  THE  EMPIRE 


In  Spite,  however,  of  the  warnings  of  Confucius 
and  the  more  philosophical  teachings  of  Lao  Tsze, 
the  founder  of  Taoism,  disorders  increased  on  every 
side,  and  there  were  not  wanting  ominous  signs 
which  were  regarded  by  native  authorities  as  fore- 
telling the  downfall  of  the  Chow  Dynasty.  The 
brazen  vessels  which  had  been  set  up  by  the  great 
Yu  were  seen  to  shake  and  totter  as  though 
presaging  a political  catastrophe  ; famine  and  pesti- 
lence stalked  through  the  land ; and  on  all  sides 
men’s  hearts  failed  them  for  fear.  It  is  at  such  times 
as  these  that  an  ambitious  leader  can  find  his 
opportunity,  and  in  this  case  the  ruler  of  the  Ch’in 
Dynasty,  seizing  his  advantage,  made  war  against  the 
Imperial  state,  which  was  already  tottering  to  its  fall. 
After  a series  of  victories  he  claimed  the  throne  by 
right  of  conquest,  and  established  himself  as  the  first 
sovereign  of  the  short-lived  Ch’in  Dynasty.  Neither 
this  man  nor  his  two  successors  on  the  throne 
were  men  of  mark,  and  if  it  had  not  been  for  the 
sovereign  who  followed  them  the  Imperial  line 
would  have  sunk  into  oblivion  “ unwept,  unhonoured, 
and  unsung.”  They  initiated  little  and  accomplished 
little,  but  this  at  least  cannot  be  said  of  their 
successor. 

The  evils  of  the  feudal  system  had  long  been 
patent,  but  no  one  had  hitherto  arisen  who  was  bold 
enough  so  to  fly  in  the  face  of  precedent  and  history 
as  to  attempt  a reform  in  the  constitution.  Ascribing 
all  the  evils  under  which  his  country  had  so  long 
suffered  to  the  system  which  for  so  many  years  had 
guided  its  destiny,  Shih  Hwangti  determined  once 


THE  BURNING  OF  THE  BOOKS 


15 


and  for  all  to  put  an  end  to  the  petty  jealousies 
among  the  States  by  establishing  an  Empire,  and 
proclaiming  himself  the  first  Univ’ersal  Sovereign. 

To  this  reform  the  literary  classes  offered  a deter- 
mined opposition.  All  the  national  love  for  antiquity 
accentuated  by  the  sayings  and  writings  of  Confucius 
and  his  followers  was  outraged  by  this  draconic 
measure.  They  pointed  back  to  the  halcyon  days 
when  the  “Warlike  Prince”  and  his  immediate 
followers  ruled  over  the  United  States  in  peace  and 
harmony,  and  quoted  the  works  edited  by  Confucius 
as  evidence  of  the  prosperous  condition  which  existed 
under  those  favoured  circumstances.  So  serious  was 
the  opposition  thus  presented  that  the  Emperor,  who 
knew  nothing  of  h$.lf  measures,  determined  to  wrest 
from  his  critics  the  evidences  which  they  were  so  fond 
of  producing.  With  this  intention  he  issued  an  edict 
commanding  that  all  the  existing  literature  in  the 
country,  with  the  exception  of  works  on  divination 
and  medicine,  should  be  destroyed.  From  the  nature 
of  this  decree  it  was  plainly  impossible  that  it  could 
be  carried  out  in  its  entirety.  But  so  far  as  possible 
it  was  given  effect  to,  notwithstanding  the  determined 
resistance  of  the  Litei'atiy  many  of  whom  perished  at 
the  block  rather  than  commit  their  cherished  v'olumes 
to  the  flames.  To  a certain  extent  the  immediate 
effect  of  the  measure  was  successful,  and  the  pros- 
perity which  the  new  policy  secured  for  the  nation  at 
large  gained  for  its  author  very  general  support. 
With  genuine  zeal  he  also  set  himself  to  improve  the 
material  condition  of  the  country,  and  recognising 
the  importance,  both  political  and  commercial,  of 


1 6 THE  EARLY  HISTORY  OF  THE  EMPIRE 

providing  means  of  communication  between  the 
several  States,  he  constructed  roads  in  all  directions, 
spanned  the  river  with  bridges,  and  encouraged  by 
ever}'  method  in  his  power  the  means  of  locomotion. 
At  this  time  the  Tartars  were  constantly  threatening 
the  northern  frontier,  and  realising  that  it  was  as 
necessar}^  to  protect  his  subjects  from  foreign  foes  as 
to  promote  their  internal  prosperit}',  he  constructed 
the  Great  Wall  which,  stretching  from  the  sea  at  the 
I20th  degree  of  longitude,  and  fringing  the  northern 
frontier  of  the  Empire  to  the  looth  degree,  still 
stands  as  a monument  of  the  energetic  adminis- 
tration of  this  great  Sovereign.  Unhappily,  no 
hereditary  instincts  guided  his  successor  into  his 
paths,  and  during  the  short  reign — three  years — of 
this  last  Emperor  of  the  Ch’in  Dynasty,  the  country, 
instead  of  advancing  toward  consolidation,  became 
the  prey  of  constant  civil  war,  and  of  every  form  of 
brigandage. 

Wdth  dramatic  propriety  a leader  arose  at  this 
troublous  period  who  showed  himself  to  be  a man 
standing  head  and  shoulders  abov'e  his  compeers. 
The  historian  of  the  Han  Dynasty  tells  us  that,  like 
another  Macbeth,  when  first  taking  the  field  this  man 
encountered  a soothsa\'er  who  foretold  his  future  great- 
ness. With  commendable  rapidity  this  prophecy  was 
fulfilled,  and  the  object  of  it  was  universally  hailed 
as  the  first  Emperor  of  a new  dynasty,  to  which  he 
gave  the  title  of  Han  from  the  name  of  his  native 
state.  Time  had  at  length  accustomed  the  people  of 
all  classes  to  the  abolition  of  the  feudal  States','Vhid 
the  new  Emperor,  Kaoti,  felt  that  there  was 


THE  KEIGN  OF  KAOTI 


7 


longer  any  need  to  cut  the  nation  adrift  from  the 
sheet  anchor  of  its  native  literature.  The  Litej'ati 
also  were  still  hankering  after  their  literary  gods. 
Their  influence  was  also  plainly  an  appreciable 
quantity,  and  Kaoti  determined  to  secure  it  on  his 
behalf  by  resuscitating  such  works  as  it  was  possible 
to  recover.  Under  his  protecting  influence  the 
Literati  undertook  the  congenial  task  of  searching 
for  any  stray  copies  of  the  classics  and  other  works 
which  may  have  escaped  the  holocaust  of  the  books. 
Phoenix-like  the  old  literature  rose  from  its  ashes. 
From  the  sides  of  caves,  from  the  roofs  of  houses, 
and  the  banks  of  rivers,  volumes  were  produced  by 
those  who  had  risked  their  lives  for  their  preservation, 
and  history  states  that  from  the  lips  of  old  men  were 
taken  down  ancient  texts  which  had  everywhere 
perished  except  in  the.  retentive  memories  of  veteran 
scholars.  While  reversing  this  part  of  the  work  of 
the  first  great  Emperor,  Kaoti  followed  his  example 
in  still  further  improving  the  means  of  communica- 
tion in  the  Empire,  and  to  engineers  emplo}^ed  by 
him  belongs  the  credit,  among  other  enterprises,  of 
having  constructed  the  first  suspension  bridges 
known  to  exist  in  the  world. 

The  Han  period  is  universally  regarded  by  China- 
men as  one  of  the  most  glorious  epochs  in  their 
history.  They  know  no  prouder  title  than  that  by 
which  they  delight  to  be  called,  the  Sons  of  Han,  and 
this  is  no  doubt  mainly  due  to  the  extraordinary 
revival  of  letters  which  took  place  under  the  new 
line  of  Sovereigns.  It  is  true  that  Kaoti  shared  to 
some  extent  the  suspicions  entertained  of  the  Literati 

3 


i8 


THE  EARLY  HISTORY  OF  THE  EMPIRE 


by  the  burner  of  the  books,  but  his  successors,  taking 
a truer  view  of  the  position,  did  all  that  lay  in  their 
power  to  encourage  the  literary  spirit  of  the  nation. 
So  keen  was  the  zeal  of  the  people  in  the  cause  that 
not  only  were  the  old  texts  restored,  but  a new  and 
scholarly  school  of  letters  was  brought  into  being. 
In  every  branch  of  literature  the  greatest  activity  was 
displayed,  and  whereas  it  may  be  said  that  when 
Kaoti  ascended  the  throne  in  206  B.C.  polite  literature 
was  non-existent,  the  fact  remains  that  before  the 
dawn  of  the  Christian  era  the  Imperial  library  pos- 
sessed upon  its  shelves  3,123  works  on  the  classics, 
2,705  on  philosophy,  and  1,383  on  poetry.  But  not 
alone  in  the  peaceful  paths  of  literature  did  the 
Empire  make  giant  strides  at  this  period.  The 
nation’s  arms  and  diplomacy  were  carried  far  beyond 
the  frontier  into  the  little  known  region  of  Central 
Asia.  In  the  second  century  B.C.  the  envoy  Chang 
Ch’ien  visited  the  Court  of  Eastern  Turkestan,  and 
two  centuries  later  an  army  under  General  Pan 
Ch’ao  marched  to  Khoten,  and  even  carried  their 
country’s  flag  to  the  shores  of  the  Caspian  Sea.  On 
the  southern  and  north-eastern  frontiers.  Cochin 
China,  and  the  Liaotung  peninsula,  which  has  figured 
so  prominently  of  late  in  Eastern  politics,  were  con- 
quered and  reduced  to  the  condition  of  feudatories, 
while  Yunnan  was  incorporated  into  the  Empire. 

But  by  no  means  the  least  momentous  event  of  the 
period  was  the  introduction  of  Buddhism.  The 
histories  affirm  that  one  night  the  Emperor  Mingti 
(a.d.  58-76)  saw  in  a vision  on  his  bed  a golden 
image  which  bade  him  send  to  the  western  countries 


THE  INTRODUCTION  OF  BUDDHISM 


19 


to  search  for  Buddha,  and  for  books  and  images  to 
illustrate  the  doctrines  of  the  holy  man.  In  obedience 
to  this  command  he,  without  loss  of  time,  despatched 
envoys  to  India,  who  after  an  absence  of  eleven 
years  returned,  bringing  with  them  books,  images, 
and  drawings,  together  with  an  ordained  priest  of 
the  new  faith.  This  pioneer  missionary  was  followed 
by  others  who,  with  extraordinary  diligence,  trans- 
lated a number  of  the  Sanscrit  Sutras  into  Chinese. 
But  all  these  achievements  failed  to  preserve  the 
dynasty  from  that  decadence  which  seems  to  be  the 
natural  fate  of  Chinese  Imperial  Houses.  Towards 
the  end  of  the  second  century  of  our  era  there 
occurred  all  those  signs  and  symptoms  of  an  im- 
pending political  change  to  which  the  nation  had 
now  become  accustomed.  Three  leaders  arose.  One 
in  the  state  of  Shuh,  one  in  Wei,  and  one  in  Wu. 
Against  these  men  Hsienti  (i 90-221),  the  reigning 
sovereign,  was  unable  to  maintain  his  position,  and 
having  retired  with  a certain  pusillanimity  into 
private  life,  left  his  Empire  to  be  contended  for  by 
the  three  chieftains.  Then  followed  a period  of 
bitter  internecine  strife,  and  the  period  is  notorious 
in  Chinese  history  for  the  more  than  usually  savage 
wars  which  disturbed  the  peace  and  well-being  of  the 
people.  Weary  of  the  tumult  under  which  they 
suffered,  the  nation  welcomed  the  advent  of  a new 
dynasty,  that  of  the  Western  Chin,  in  the  year  265. 

Buddhism,  which  had  hitherto  only  received  partial 
support,  now  gained  powerful  protectors  in  the  sove- 
reigns of  the  new  line.  It  was  during  this  period 
that  the  Chinese  Buddhist  Fa-hsien,  made  an  expe- 


20 


THE  EARLY  HISTORY  OF  THE  EMPIRE 


dition  to  India  to  examine  the  sites  sacred  to  the 
sage,  and  to  possess  himself  of  such  canonical  works 
as  were  still  unknown  to  his  country-men.  After  an 
absence  of  fourteen  years  he  returned  by  sea  from 
Ceylon,  bringing  with  him  a library  of  books  and 
notes  which  in  subsequent  }’ears  of  leisure  enabled 
him  to  write  the  interesting  record  of  his  travels 
which  is  known  to  European  readers  through  the 
fascinating  translations  of  Remusat  and  Beal.  At  the 
close  of  the  Chin  Dynasty  in  419  the  Empire  again 
suffered  division,  and  for  a hundred  and  sixty  years, 
six  states  fought  for  supremacy  in  the  distracted 
provinces.  A short  dynasty  (about  thirty  }'ears) 
followed  which  was  notorious  only  for  the  reign  of 
one  sovereign,  Yangti,  who  devoted  himself  with 
laudable  energ}'  to  the  construction  of  canals  in  the 
eastern  and  central  portions  of  the  Empire  where 
alone  they  were  possible.  On  the  ashes  of  this 
dynasty  rose  the  house  of  T’ang  whose  appearance 
on  the  Imperial  stage  opened  the  period  which  is 
well  described  as  the  Augustan  age  of  Chinese 
literature.  The  keynote  of  the  great  Emperors  of 
this  line  was  to  restore  in  their  fulness  the  ancient 
beliefs  and  traditions  which  had  been  consecrated  by 
the  approval  of  Confucius.  In  pursuance  of  this 
tendency  many  of  them  discouraged  in  every  way  in 
their  power  the  foreign  religion  which  had  been 
introduced  from  India.  Already  monasteries  had 
sprung  up  in  various  parts  of  the  country,  and  it  is 
possible  that  then,  as  now,  these  were  occasionally 
hotbeds  of  treason  and  sedition.  But  however  that 
may  be,  several  decrees  were  issued  commanding  the 


THE  t'aNG  dynasty 


21 


monks  to  range  themselv^es  as  Benedicts,  and  to 
rejoin  the  ranks  of  civil  life,  which  in  their  mistaken 
zeal  they  had  deserted  for  the  cloister. 

But  the  chief  glory  of  the  dynasty  was  the  litera- 
ture which  sprung  up  under  the  fostering  care  of  the 
rulers.  Poets,  essayists,  and  historians  poured  out  from 
their  studies  volumes  which  charmed  their  contem- 
poraries as  much  as  they  delight  students  and  scholars 
of  the  present  day.  In  every  library  in  China  will 
now  be  found  “ The  Complete  Poems  of  the  T’ang 
Dynasty,”  while  numberless  volumes  of  the  polite 
literature  of  the  period  still  hold  unrivalled  sway  in 
the  opinion  of  the  Literati.  In  the  field  of  battle 
the  nation  was  as  successful  as  in  the  arena  of 
literature.  With  skill  and  success  the  districts  of 
Hamil,  Turfan,  and  the  Ouigour  country  were  added 
to  the  Empire,  and  thus  brought  Far  Cathay  within 
the  cognisance  of  Western  Asia,  and  even  of  the  con- 
fines of  Europe.  The  See  of  Rome,  ever  ready  to 
extend  its  influence  and  to  gain  conv^erts  to  the  faith, 
took  advantage  of  the  opportunity  thus  offered  to 
despatch  an  embassy  to  the  Chinese  Court,  where  to 
his  astonishment  the  Papal  envoy  found  assembled 
envoys  from  Persia  and  Nepaul.  Already  the 
Nestorian  Christians  had  sent  missionaries  to  proclaim 
the  truth,  as  they  had  received  it,  and  though  little  is 
said  on  the  subject  in  the  histories,  it  is  plain  that 
considerable  success  attended  their  efforts.  A striking: 
testimony  to  this  is  found  in  a monument  which 
stands  at  the  present  day  in  the  city  of  Hsian  Fu,  on 
which  is  inscribed  a record  of  this  first  attempt  to 
introduce  Christianity  into  China. 


22 


THE  EARLY  HISTORY  OF  THE  EMPIRE 


As  time  went  on,  however,  the  domestic  affairs  of 
the  Empire  fell  into  that  disorder  which  always 
accompanies  the  declining  years  of  dynasties. 
Twenty-three  sovereigns  of  the  line  of  T’ang  sat  in 
succession  on  the  throne,  and  the  reigns  of  many  of 
these  were  marked  rather  by  feeble  administration 
than  by  any  other  characteristic.  One  exception  to 
this  criticism  was  the  sovereignty  of  the  Empress  Wu 
who  held  the  sceptre  from  684  to  710.  Having  set 
aside  the  rightful  sovereign,  she  usurped  the  throne, 
and  by  her  wisdom  and  energy,  secured  a brief  space 
of  peace  with  honour  for  her  distracted  countrymen. 
This  dynasty,  which  began  by  extending  religious 
toleration  to  all  beliefs,  in  course  of  time  inaugurated 
that  persecution  of  Christians  which  has  been 
intermittently  carried  on  ever  since,  and  even  laid 
heavy  hands  on  followers  of  Mahomet  and  Buddha. 
It  was  during  these  restless  days  that  Tu  Eu  and 
Li  T’aipo  wrote  those  poems  on  the  beauties  of  nature 
and  the  pleasures  of  wine,  which  have  made  their 
names  immortal — at  least,  within  the  frontiers  of  the 
Middle  Kingdom.  At  length,  in  907,  the  Imperial 
line,  with  all  its  glories  and  all  its  disgraces,  passed 
away,  and  was  followed  by  a succession  of  short 
dynasties,  which  did  little  more  than  keep  alive  the 
idea  of  Empire,  until  the  rise  of  the  Sung  power  in 
960. 

At  the  close  of  the  T’ang  dynasty,  a tribe  appeared 
on  the  frontiers  of  China  which  was  destined  to 
exercise  a vast  influence  on  the  fortunes  of  the 
country.  The  Tartars,  who  had  constantly  raided 
the  Northern  Provinces,  now  appeared  in  force,  and  so 


THE  K IT AN  TARTARS 


23 


successfully  waged  war  on  the  Southern  Empire  that 
they  secured  for  themselves  the  China  of  that  day 
from  the  River  Yangtsze  northwards.  These  hardy 
warriors  were  known  as  K’itan,  the  word  from  which 
the  mediaeval  name  of  Cathay  is  derived,  and  which, 
under  the  form  of  K’itai,  is  still  that  by  which  China 
is  known  to  the  Russian  people.  The  supremacy  of 
these  nomads  was  not,  however,  of  very  long  dura- 
tion. After  a rule  of  less  than  two  hundred  years 
they  yielded  place  to  their  congenitors,  the  Kin 
Tartars,  the  progenitors  of  the  present  ruling  sove- 
reigns, who  in  their  turn  divided  with  Sung  the  whole 
Empire. 


THE  YUAN  AND  MING  DYNASTIES 

But  while  constant  war  was  being  carried  on 
between  the  Kin  and  Sung  dynasties,  yet  another 
Bower  was  rising  on  the  IMongolian  steppes  destined 
to  crush  both  under  its  iron  heel.  In  the  valley  of 
the  Oncn,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Karakorum 
hills,  was  fostered  a Mongol  chief,  who  in  the  near 
future  was  to  be  classed  among  the  greatest  rulers  the 
world  has  ever  seen.  The  parentage  of  Jenghiz  Khan 
differed  little  from  that  of  those  about  him,  but  from 
an  early  age  Nature  had  marked  him  out  as  a leader 
of  men.  While  yet  young  he  was  chosen  as  Khan 
of  his  tribe,  and  led  his  followers  in  a succession 
of  campaigns  against  the  neighbouring  chieftains. 
Having  humbled  these  rulers  to  the  dust,  and  having 
swept  their  vanquished  followers  into  his  ranks,  he 
braced  himself  up  to  more  serious  warfare. 

The  kingdom  of  Hsia,  which  consisted  of  the 
modern  provinces  of  Kansu  and  Shensi,  though  not  a 
fertile  territory  was,  by  comparison  with  the  cold  and 
bleak  steppes  of  Mongolia,  a land  flowing  with  milk 
?^d  honey.  Without  much  difflculty  Jenghiz  Khan’s 

24 


OUTSIDE  THE  WAULS,  PEKING. 


26 


THE  YUAN  AND  MING  DYNASTIES 


hardy  warriors  subdued  this  country  under  them,  and, 
aspiring  to  fresh  conquests,  invaded  the  territory  ruled 
over  by  the  Kin  Dynasty  (1211).  This  campaign 
was  partially  successful,  and  at  its  conclusion  Jenghiz, 
as  was  his  wont,  retired  to  his  Ordu  on  the  River 
Onon,  to  recruit  his  forces,  and  to  collect  his  strength 
for  a second  onslaught.  Two  years  later  he  again 
took  the  field,  and,  overrunning  the  modern  province  of 
Chihli,  laid  waste  ninety  of  its  fairest  cities,  including 
the  Kin  capital,  which  stood  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
the  modern  Peking.  Leaving  an  occupying  force  to 
preserve  his  newly-acquired  rights,  Jenghiz  turned  his 
attention  westward,  and  with  marvellous  speed  and 
thoroughness, gathered  within  his  borders  the  districts 
of  Kashgar,  Yarkand,  and  Khoten.  Even  such  vast 
conquests  as  these  failed  to  satisfy  the  lust  for  empire 
which  had  taken  possession  of  the  Mongol  chieftain. 
On  one  excuse  or  another,  he  led  his  troops  of  nomad 
horsemen  against  the  kingdom  of  Khuarezm,  and 
having  swept  over  its  richest  provinces,  advanced  into 
Georgia  and  Western  Europe.  With  irresistible  force, 
aided  no  doubt  by  the  terror  which,  as  the  “ curse  of 
God,”  he  inspired,  he  captured  Moscow  and  Kiev,  the 
Jerusalem  of  Russia,  and  did  not  draw  rein  until  he 
had  advanced  as  far  as  Cracow  and  Pesth.  After 
having  laid  waste  all  these  cities  so  that,  as  he 
boasted,  he  could  ride  over  their  sites  without  meeting 
an  obstacle  sufficient  to  make  his  “ horse  stumble,”  he 
returned  to  IMongolia,  and  there  died  in  the  year 
1227.  Meanwhile  his  generals  had  not  been  idle  in 
China,  but  had  advanced  his  conquests  to  the  fertile 
region  within  the  eastern  bend  of  the  Yellow  River, 


THE  FIRST  CATHOLIC  MISSIONARIES  2/ 

thus  securing  a rich  inheritance  to  his  successor 
Oghotai. 

It  was  during  the  reign  of  this  monarch  that  the 
first  Catholic  missionaries  carried  the  light  of  Christian 
civilisation  to  the  dark  regions  of  Mongolia.  “ It  is 
worthy  of  the  grateful  remembrance  of  all  Christian 
people,”  says  the  missionary  Friar  Ricold,  of  Monte 
Croce,  as  quoted  by  Colonel  Yule  ; “that  just  at  the 
time  when  God  had  sent  forth  into  the  western  parts 
of  the  world  the  Tartars  to  slay  and  to  be  slain  ; He 
also  sent  into  the  east  His  faithful  servants  Dominic 
and  Francis  to  enlighten,  instruct,  and  build  up  in 
the  Faith.”  Little  or  nothing  is  known  of  these 
messengers  of  the  gospel,  but  in  the  years  1245-47 
John  de  Plano  Carpini  presented  himself  before  the 
great  Khan,  and  has  left  us  an  account  of  his  observa- 
tions. Though  he  failed  to  reach  China  he  saw  a 
number  of  its  subjects  at  the  Mongol  Court,  and 
describes  them  as  “ heathen  men,”  but  “ having  a 
written  character  of  their  own.  They  seem,”  he  says, 
“ indeed  to  be  kindly  and  polished  folks  enough.  They 
have  no  beard,  and  in  character  of  countenance  have 
a considerable  resemblance  to  the  Mongols,  but  are 
not  so  broad  in  the  face.  They  have  a peculiar 
language.  Their  betters  as  craftsmen  in  every  art 
practised  by  man  are  not  to  be  found  in  the  whole 
world.  Their  country  is  very  rich  in  corn,  in  wine, 
in  gold  and  silver,  in  silk,  and  in  every  kind  of 
produce  tending  to  the  support  of  mankind.” 

Some  few  years  later  the  Franciscan  Friar 
Rubruquis  followed  in  Carpini’s  footsteps,  and  as  a 
result  of  shrewd  observation  supplements  the  very 


28 


THE  YU  AH  AND  MING  DYNASTIES 


graphic  account  left  us  by  Carpini.  In  great  Cathay 
or  China  he  recognises  the  land  of  the  Ceres  with 
which  we  are  made  familiar  by  the  writings  of  the 
Latin  poets  of  the  Augustan  age.  “ Those 
Cathayans,”  he  adds,  “ are  little  fellows,  speaking 
much  through  the  nose,  and  as  is  general  with  all 
those  Eastern  people,  their  eyes  are  very  narrow. 
They  are  first-rate  artists  of  every  kind,  and  their 
physicians  have  a thorough  knowledge  of  the  virtues  of 
herbs,  and  an  admirable  skill  in  diagnosis  by  the  pulse. 
The  common  money  of  Cathay  consists  of  pieces  of 
cotton  paper  about  a palm  in  length  and  breadth, 
upon  which  lines  are  printed  resembling  the  seals  of 
IMangu  Khan  (the  third  in  succession  from  Jenghiz 
Khan) ; they  do  their  writing  with  a pencil  such  as 
painters  paint  with,  and  a single  character  of  theirs 
comprehends  several  letters  so  as  to  form  a whole 
word.”  These  few  lines  describe  with  effective  point 
and  great  accuracy  the  leading  characteristics  of 
the  patient  and  laborious  inhabitants  of  China. 

But  though  these  faithful  emissaries  of  Pope  Inno- 
cent saw  much  to  interest  them  in  the  social  manners 
and  customs  of  the  Catha}’ans,  they  could  only  carry 
back  with  them  a depressing  account  of  the  condition 
of  Xestorian  Christianity  at  the  capital  of  the  great 
Khan  (IMangu).  Rubruquis  states  that  when  he  first 
attempted  to  explain  the  object  of  his  mission  to 
the  Khan,  his  address  was  considerably  “ marred  by 
the  interpreter  becoming  incoherent  from  frequent 
draughts  of  wine  supplied  him  by  Mangu,  who 
himself  became  maudlin  before  the  friar  retired, 
from  the  same  cause.”  The  effect  of  the  religious 


KUBLAI  KHAN 


29 


services  was  much  interfered  with  also  by  the  indul- 
gence of  this  infirmity.  On  high  days  and  festivals 
the  sacred  ceremonies  ended  in  drunken  orgies,  and 
on  one  occasion  the  Empress,  who  had  a leaning  for 
Nestorian  Christianity,  “ was  carried  home  from 
church  in  a state  of  intoxication,  escorted  by  priests 
who  reeled  after  her,  shouting  out  their  chants  and 
hymns.” 

Meanwhile  Mangu  was  still  waging  war  against 
the  sovereign  of  the  Sung  Dynasty,  and  the  enter- 
prise was  yet  incomplete  when  he  died  in  1259, 
leaving  the  still  growing  heritage  of  the  Mongols  to 
his  son,  the  Great  Kublai,  a grandson  of  Jenghiz 
Khan.  With  indefatigable  energy  this  sovereign  took 
in  hand  the  conquest  of  China,  which  had  been  so 
dear  to  the  heart  of  the  great  founder  of  the  race,  and 
it  was  while  the  fate  of  this  venture  was  still  in  the 
lap  of  the  gods  that  the  Venetian  traveller,  Marco 
Tolo,  presented  himself  at  the  Court  of  the  Great 
Khan.  Already  the  father  and  uncle  of  Marco  had 
made  an  adventurous  journey  in  pursuit  of  commerce, 
across  Asia  to  the  valley  of  the  Onon,  and  it  was  on 
the  occasion  of  their  second  visit  in  1571  that  they 
took  the  youthful  Marco  with  them.  “ When  the  two 
brothers  and  Mark,”  writes  this  last  named,  “ had 
arrived  at  that  great  city  (the  Mongol  capital),  they 
went  to  the  Imperial  Palace,  and  there  they  found  the 
sovereign  amended  by  a great  company  of  barons. 
So  they  bent  the  knee  before  him,  and  paid  their 
respects  to  him  with  all  possible  reverence,  prostra- 
ting themselves  on  the  ground.  Then  the  lord  bade 
them  stand  up,  and  treated  them  with  great  honour, 


30 


THE  YUAN  AND  MING  DYNASTIES 


showing  great  pleasure  at  their  coming,  and  asked 
many  questions  as  to  their  welfare  and  how  they  sped. 
They  replied  that  they  had  in  verity  sped  very  well 
seeing  that  they  found  the  Khan  well  and  safe.  They 
then  presented  the  credentials  and  letters  which  they 
had  received  from  the  Pope,  which  pleased  him  right 
well  ; and  after  that  they  produced  the  oil  from  the 
sepulchre,  and  at  that  also  he  was  very  glad,  for  he  set 
great  store  thereby.  And  next  spying  Mark,  who  was 
then  a young  gallant,  he  asked  who  was  that  in  their 
company.  ‘ Sire,’  said  his  father,  Messer  Nicolo,  ‘ ’tis 
my  son  and  your  liege  man.’  ‘ Welcome  is  he,  too,’ 

quoth  the  Emperor There  was  great  rejoicing 

at  the  Court  because  of  their  arrival  ; and  they  met 
with  attention  and  honour  from  everybody.” 

The  pomp  and  splendour  of  the  Oriental  Court 
struck  the  travellers  with  amazement.  Never  before 
had  they  dreamed  of  such  Imperial  splendour.  The 
annual  feasts  and  national  commemorations  were 
celebrated  with  a magnificence  that  surpassed  their 
wildest  imaginations,  while  the  evidences  of  civilisa- 
tion which  they  met  with  on  all  sides  led  them  to 
make  comparisons  as  unfavourable  to  Europe,  as 
changed  circumstances  lead  us  now  to  make  to  the 
disadvantage  of  China.  One  fact  which  especially 
attracted  their  attention  was  the  existence  of  bank- 
notes at  a time  when  as  yet  Europe  was  destined  to 
wait  four  centuries  for  a like  convenient  currency.  A 
Chinese  bank-note  of  about  a century  later  is  now 
exhibited  in  the  King’s  Library  of  the  British 
Museum,  which  is  noticeable  from  the  fact  that  the 
paper  on  which  it  is  printed  is  almost  black.  The 


KUBLAI  S CAMPAIGNS 


31 


explanation  of  this  colour  is  given  by  Marco  Polo  ; 
“ The  Emperor,”  he  tells  us,  “ makes  them  (his  sub- 
jects) take  the  bark  of  a certain  tree,  in  fact  of  the 
mulberry  tree,  the  leaves  of  which  are  the  food  of  the 
silkworm, — these  trees  being  so  numerous  that  whole 
districts  are  full  of  them.  What  they  take  is  a 
certain  fine  white  bast  or  skin  which  lies  between  the 
wood  of  the  tree  and  the  thick  outer  bark,  and  this 
they  make  into  something  resembling  sheets  of  paper, 
but  black.”  The  Khan  himself,  he  describes  as  being 
of  a good  stature,  neither  tall  nor  short,  and  being 
very  shapely  in  all  his  limbs.  If  this  were  so  the 
Chinese  artists  who  have  left  us  portraits  of  the  great 
man  have  signally  maligned  him.  According  to  them 
he  was  stout  almost  to  obesity,  and  far  from  possess- 
ing the  shapely  form  described  by  the  Venetian,  whose 
evidence,  however,  we  should  be  inclined  to  accept 
rather  than  the  products  of  nativ^e  studios. 

Meanwhile  Kublai  was  actively  engaged  in  the 
campaign  against  the  reigning  sovereign  of  the  Sung 
Dynasty,  and  it  is  even  said  that  in  this  enterprise  he 
received  useful  help  at  the  outset  from  the  young 
Marco.  It  is  difficult,  however,  to  reconcile  this  with 
the  dates  assigned  to  Marco’s  arrival  and  the  opening 
of  the  campaign  ; but  however  that  may  be,  Kublai’s 
first  advance  was  made  across  the  Yellow  River,  and 
against  the  city  of  Hsiangyang,  in  the  province  of 
Hupeh.  It  is  remarkable  in  the  history  of  these  wars 
to  find  how  much  stouter  a resistance  the  Chinese 
offered  to  the  invading  Mongols  than  the  inhabitants 
of  Western  Asia  and  Eastern  Europe  were  able  to 
present.  It  was  only  after  a long  siege  that  Hsiang- 


32 


THE  YUAN  AND  MING  DYNASTIES 


yang  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Mongols,  and  it 
required  more  than  one  arduous  campaign  to  subdue 
the  cities  of  Hanyang,  Hankow,  Wuchang,  Soochow, 
and,  finally,  Hangchow,  the  Sung  capital.  With  the 
fall  of  the  capital  the  Sung  Dynasty  practically  came 
to  an  end,  though  with  fitful  efforts  the  followers  of 
the  ruling  house  attempted  to  stem  the  tide  of  inva- 
sion, and  by  1276  the  whole  of  China  acknowledged 
the  sway  of  Kublai.  At  this  time  the  Mongol  sovereign 
ruled  over  an  empire  which  was  one.  of  the  largest  of 
which  the  world’s  history  has  knowledge,  and  which 
claimed  as  its  subjects  the  countless  hordes  occupying 
the  vast  territories  which  stretch  from  the  Black  Sea 
to  the  shores  of  the  China  Ocean,  and  from  Northern 
Mongolia  to  the  frontiers  of  Annam. 

One  of  the  most  striking  features  of  Kublai’s 
campaigns  was  the  ease  and  rapidity  with  which  his 
forces  were  moved  over  vast  stretches  of  territory. 
Whether  the  enemy  to  be  assailed  were  the  people  of 
Persia  or  of  Cochin  China,  his  armies  straightway 
marched  against  the  foe,  and  with  surprising  speed 
gained  striking  distance.  Those  whose  fortune  it  has 
been  to  travel  through  Western  China,  and  to  cross 
the  many  mountain  ranges  over  which  the  only  roads 
are  narrow  pathways,  fitted  rather  for  goats  than  for 
human  beings,  will  well  understand  how  formidable 
must,  for  example,  have  been  the  undertaking  of 
moving  an  army  from  Peking  to  the  frontiers  of 
Burma.  To  the  IMongols,  however,  it  was  enough 
to  know  that  the  work  had  to  be  done,  and  without 
loss  of  time  they  overcame  the  difficulties  of  trans- 
port, and  succeeded  in  placing  an  army  in  the  field 


THE  BURMESE  CAMPAIGN 


33 


on  the  plains  of  Yungchang.  To  Kublai’s  followers, 
accustomed  to  the  warfare  of  northern  latitudes,  the 
Burmese  arms  and  equipments  presented  new  and 
alarming  characteristics.  For  the  first  time  in  their 
experiences  they  were  called  upon  to  face  troops  of 
elephants — animals  which  they  could  never  have  seen 
before.  Nothing  daunted,  the  General  in  command 
dismounted  his  men,  who  fired  such  a storm  of  arrows 
into  the  huge  monsters,  that  they  turned  and  rushed 
through  the  Burmese  ranks,  causing  disorder  and 
panic  among  their  masters.  Taking  advantage  of  the 
confusion  thus  caused,  the  Mongols  charged  home 
into  the  forces  of  the  enemy,  and  gained  a decisive 
victory.  Alarmed  at  the  swarming  numbers  and  over- 
mastering power  of  the  invaders,  the  King  submitted 
himself  to  Kublai,  and  was  allowed  to  return  to  his 
capital  on  the  condition  that  he  and  his  successors 
should  pay  a regular  tribute  to  the  Court  of  China. 
Up  to  the  time  of  our  taking  possession  of  Burma 
this  tribute  was  regularly  paid  ; and  unfortunately 
even  after  we  were  in  possession  of  IMandalay  one  or 
two  tribute-bearing  missions  were  allowed  to  carry 
homage  to  Peking. 

But  while  in  the  Burmese  and  other  land  campaigns 
Kublai  was  uniformly  successful,  he  was,  in  his  naval 
warfare,  eminently  unfortunate.  In  1266  he  sent  two 
envoys  in  the  direction  of  Japan,  who,  however,  re- 
turned without  having  ventured  to  cross  the  inter- 
vening sea  from  the  coast  of  Korea.  The  object  of 
this  mission  was  doubtless  to  put  an  end  to  the 
Japanese  piratical  raids  which  had  long  been  occasion- 
ing panic  and  disorder  on  the  coasts  of  China  and 

4 


34 


THE  YUAN  AND  MING  DYNASTIES 


Korea ; but,  finally,  having  failed  to  arrive  at  a 
peaceful  solution  of  the  difficulty,  Kublai  despatched 
a fleet  against  the  Japanese  which  suffered  a fate 
similar  to  that  which  overtook  the  Chinese  ships  at 
the  Yalu  during  the  late  war.  A number  of  the 
vessels  were  captured,  a number  were  destroyed,  and 
only  a remnant  returned  to  carry  back  the  news  of 
the  disaster.  Some  years  later  Kublai  fitted  out 
another  fleet  carrying  100,000  warriors  in  the  hope  of 
avenging  the  late  disgrace,  but  no  better  fortune 
attended  this  second  venture,  and  it  is  said  that  almost 
the  whole  fleet  perished.  Other  expeditions  against 
the  islands  in  the  China  seas  proved  equally  unsuc- 
cessful, and  Kublai  was  compelled  to  recognise  the 
fact  that  while  invincible  on  land,  his  hardy  warriors 
were  no  match  afloat  for  the  seafaring  populations  of 
the  islands.  It  is  not  in  man  to  command  success, 
and  Kublai  the  victor  in  so  many  hard  fought  fields 
could  well  afford  to  submit  to  these  foreign  rebuffs  on 
a strange  element.  In  matters  of  religion  Kublai 
showed  the  same  toleration  which  had  been  conspicuous 
in  his  predecessors  ; with  equal  favour,  or  perhaps  one 
may  say,  indifference,  he  showed  an  impartially 
friendly  disposition  towards  Christianity,  Buddhism, 
and  Mohammedanism.  He  listened  to  the  teachings 
of  Christian  fathers  with  the  same  attention  that  he 
gave  to  Buddhist  priests  and  iMohammedan  Mullahs  ; 
if  ever  he  showed  special  favour  to  any  one  form  of 
faith  it  may  safely  be  assumed  that  it  was  with  the 
object  of  hunting  the  trail  of  policy  by  the  concession. 
Thus  when  wishing  to  secure  supremacy  over  the  wild 
and  little  known  regions  of  Tibet,  he  affected  a strong 


KUBLAl'S  TOLERANCE 


35 


leaning  towards  Buddhism,  and  gained  such  an  ascen- 
dancy by  so  doing  that  on  a vacancy  occurring  in  the 
Pontifical  Priesthood  he  was  invited  to  appoint  a 
Grand  Lama  to  superintend  the  destinies  of  the 
country.  Having  thus  secured  the  loyalty  of  the 
Chief  of  the  State  he  became  virtually  its  ruler,  and 
added  a new  but  profitless  province  to  his  already 
unwieldy  Empire. 

But  his  toleration  extended  beyond  religions,  and 
embraced  foreigners  of  all  nations  and  degrees  ; the 
favour  with  which  he  regarded  young  Marco  Polo  on 
his  first  arrival  at  the  Mongol  capital  was  consis- 
tently extended  to  him  during  the  whole  of  his 
seventeen  years’  residence  in  China.  Recognising 
his  zeal  and  ability  he  appointed  him  to  office,  and 
gave  him,  among  other  employments,  a roving  com- 
mission to  go  through  the  provinces  of  Shansi, 
Shensi,  Szech’uan,  and  Yunnan,  and  to  report  on 
the  condition  of  the  districts  through  which  he 
passed.  So  well  did  the  Venetian  acquit  himself 
on  this  and  other  occasions  that  he  was  finally 
appointed  Governor  of  the  city  of  Yangchow.  There 
he  exercised  rule  for  three  years,  and  might  have 
remained  indefinitely  had  not  a wish  to  return  to  his 
native  land  possessed  him  with  overpowering  desire. 
His  father  and  uncle,  who  were  still  in  the  country, 
were  also  anxious  to  return  to  Venice,  but  to  their 
repeated  requests  for  leave  of  absence  Kublai  had 
invariably  returned  a negative,  and  it  was  by  the 
merest  chance  that  they  ultimately  succeeded  in 
getting  away  from  the  country  of  their  adoption. 
It  happened  that  Arghun  Khan  of  Persia,  a great. 


36  THE  YUAN  AND  MING  DYNASTIES 

nephew  of  Kublai,  who  had  been  left  a widower, 
desired  to  wed,  as  his  second  venture,  a lady  of  the 
Mongol  tribe,  of  which  his  first  wife  had  been  a 
member.  Kublai  sanctioned  the  arrangement,  and 
made  choice  of  a young  lady  whom  he  considered  to 
be  a fit  and  proper  person  to  fill  the  place  of  her 
deceased  relative.  So  far  matters  went  smoothly, 
but  when  the  question  came  of  her  journey  to  Persia, 
which  was  to  be  made  by  sea,  Kublai  found  it  more 
difficult  to  provide  a fitting  escort  than  it  had  been 
to  find  the  lady.  The  Mongol  officials,  unaccus- 
tomed to  the  sea,  shrank  from  the  undertaking,  and 
as  a deniier  ressort,  it  was  proposed  and  agreed  to, 
that  jMarco  with  his  father  and  uncle  should  have 
charge  of  the  would-be  bride.  In  1292  they  started 
on  their  adventurous  voyage,  in  the  course  of  which 
they  met  with  not  a few  perils.  However,  at  length 
they  reached  Persia  in  safety,  and  Marco  tells  us  that 
the  adieux  on  the  part  of  the  lady  were  more  sym- 
pathetic than  probably  her  future  husband  would 
have  cared  to  witness.  The  lady,  we  are  told,  burst 
into  tears,  and  bade  her  escort  farewell  with  many 
lamentations.  So  long  had  been  the  voyage  that  it 
was  not  until  1295  that  the  Governor  of  Yangchow, 
with  his  father  and  uncle,  appeared  once  more  on  the 
Rialto. 

It  is  beyond  dispute  that  China  enjoyed  an  unusual 
share  of  prosperity  during  the  reign  of  Kublai.  With 
the  same  wisdom  that  he  showed  in  most  concerns,  he 
exhibited  towards  the  people  marked  consideration 
and  justice.  He  adopted  their  institutions  and  looked 
fav’ourably  on  their  prejudices  and  leanings  ; he  was 


DEATH  OF  HUBLAI 


37 


a patron  of  their  national  literature  ; and  used  every 
effort  to  secure  justice  in  the  administration  of  the 
laws.  But  he  was  a foreigner,  and  his  dynasty  had 
never  taken  that  hold  on  the  country  which  might 
make  people  forget  that  he  was  not  a Chinaman. 
Two  years  after  Marco  Polo  had  left  the  Great  Khan 
was  gathered  to  his  fathers,  and  was  carried  to  his 
tomb  without  any  expression  of  regret  on  the  part 
of  the  people  over  whom  he  had  reigned  for  five  and 
thirty  years.  His  grandson  Timur  succeeded  him 
on  the  throne,  but  the  ability  which  had  enabled 
Kublai  to  raise  the  Empire  to  the  great  height  at 
which  he  had  left  it  was  wanting  in  his  successor. 
Timur  died  in  1307,  and  after  him  followed  in  rapid 
succession  seven  sovereigns,  of  whom  little  can  be 
said  that  is  of  good  report,  except  possibly  of  the 
second,  Jen  Tsung,  who  was  an  ardent  follower  of 
Confucius,  and  who  adopted  the  principle  of  distri- 
buting offices  more  equally  between  Mongols  and 
Chinese  than  had  hitherto  been  the  case. 

When  Kublai  Khan  rose  to  supreme  power,  the 
Mongols,  who  had  no  writing  of  their  own,  were 
dependent  on  their  more  cultured  neighbours  for  the 
means  of  corresponding  on  paper.  An  acquaintance 
with  the  cultured  and  literary  people  of  China  had 
taught  the  great  conqueror  the  necessit}"  of  remedying 
this  defect,  and  with  the  object  of  doing  so,  he 
appointed  a scholar  of  the  name  of  Bashpa  to  devise 
an  alphabet  which  should  give  expression  to  the 
thoughts  of  native  writers  in  a national  script. 
Bashpa  executed  his  task,  and  Kublai  issued  an 
edict  ordering  that  for  the  future  all  official  docu- 


38 


THE  YUAN  AND  MING  DYNASTIES 


ments  should  be  written  in  the  characters  so  invented. 
No  sooner,  however,  had  the  Mongols  entered  China, 
than  the  new  alphabet  was  discarded.  As  has  been 
said,  “ China  is  a sea  that  salts  all  the  waters  which 
flow  into  it,”  and  the  Mongols  having  left  their 
dreary  steppes,  and  their  equally  dreary  scraps  of 
literature,  became  ardent  admirers  of  the  Chinese 
scholarship.  Under  the  influence  of  this  new  life 
they  forgot  the  results  of  Bashpa’s  ingenuity,  and 
adopted  the  learning  and  writing  of  their  conquered 
enemies.  One  branch  of  Chinese  literature  may 
almost  be  said  to  have  been  the  creation  of  the 
Mongols  ; before  their  time  puppet  shows  and 
dramatic  performances  had  been  among  the  popular 
amusements  of  the  Chinese  people.  The  patronage 
which  was  extended  to  these  scenic  efforts  by  the 
Mongols  encouraged  the  production  of  more  regular 
plays,  and  the  profession  of  playwright  became  in 
consequence  a popular  one  with  such  authors  as  had 
more  taste  for  holding  the  mirror  up  to  Nature  than 
for  discussing  the  sterner  thoughts  of  the  philo- 
sophers. The  dramas  which  were  produced  during 
tlie  Mongol  period  have  never  been  surpassed  in 
China,  and  the  “Plays  of  the  Yuan  Dynasty”  are  still 
regarded  as  standard  works  in  this  department  of 
literature. 

During  the  last  reigns  of  the  Yuan  Dynasty  the 
usual  precursors  of  revolution  became  prominent. 
Rebellions  and  riots  broke  out  on  all  sides,  and 
during  the  reign  of  Shunti,  the  last  of  the  Mongols, 
the  disorders  came  to  a head.  The  dynasty  had 
never  been  popular,  and  when  its  sovereigns  ceased 


A REBELLIOUS  MONK 


39 


to  be  powerful,  the  desire  for  the  return  to  the  throne 
of  a Chinese  line  became  intensified  among  the 
people.  At  the  head  of  one  of  the  risings  in  the 
south  was  one  who  was  destined  to  wear  the  robes 
of  sovereignty.  Chu  was  essentially  a man  of  the 
people,  and  his  family  having  fallen  on  evil  times,  he 
was  left  on  the  death  of  his  parents  penniless  and 
alone.  To  men  in  such  a condition  the  cloister  often 
offers  a shelter  from  the  storm.  At  all  events  this 
was  Chu’s  anticipation  when  he  shaved  his  head  and 
took  the  vows  of  a Buddhist  monk.  But  circum- 
stances were  too  strong  for  the  recluse,  and  the 
military  spirit  that  was  born  in  him  having  been 
awakened  by  a rebellion  which  broke  out  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  his  monastery,  he  incontinently 
cast  aside  his  cowl  and  took  the  sword.  A command- 
ing presence,  a strong  will,  and  considerable  ability, 
soon  forced  him  to  the  head  of  the  movement,  and 
with  such  skilful  tactics  did  he  manoeuvre  his  men  on 
the  battlefield  that  he  was  uniformly  successful  in 
his  engagements  with  the  enemy.  With  scarcely  a 
check  he  marched  on  Nanking,  and  having  captured 
that  most  important  city  after  a short  siege,  he,  like 
the  T’aip’ing  Wang  of  forty  years  ago,  constituted 
it  his  capital.  From  this  point  d'appiiis  he  succeeded 
in  driving  the  Mongols  out  of  the  Province  of 
Kiangsi. 

The  central  provinces  were  not  the  only  parts  of 
the  Empire  where  the  fortunes  of  war  declared 
against  the  Mongols  at  this  time.  In  Korea,  and  in 
the  western  parts  of  the  Empire,  the  rebellious  forces 
claimed  to  have  gained  victories,  and  it  was  in  the 


40 


THE  YUAN  AND  MING  DYNASTIES 


midst  of  these  clouds  of  disasters  that  Shunti  was 
gathered  to  his  fathers  (1370).  Meanwhile  Chu 
despatched  three  armies  for  the  conquest  of  the  still 
unsubdued  districts.  Two  were  commissioned  to 
subjugate  the  southern  provinces  of  Fuhkien,  Kwang- 
tung,  and  Kwangsi,  while  the  third,  consisting,  it  is 
said,  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  men,  was 
ordered  to  overrun  the  northern  portion  of  the 
country.  By  this  time  the  leaven  of  rebellion  had 
spread  far  and  wide,  and  Chu’s  troops  found  little 
difficulty  in  executing  the  commissions  entrusted  to 
them.  With  scarcely  any  opposition  Peking  fell 
before  the  rebel  forces,  and  as  a fitting  climax  to  that 
victory,  Chu,  at  the  bidding  of  his  vast  hosts,  was 
induced  to  accept  the  Imperial  purple.  He  was  well 
aware,  however,  that  the  most  difficult  part  of  his 
task  still  lay  before  him.  At  the  head  of  an  enthu- 
siastic army,  and  in  face  of  a disheartened  foe,  it 
had  been  comparatively  easy  for  him  to  overthrow  the 
Mongol  power.  He  now  had  to  justify  the  choice  of 
the  people  in  placing  him  on  the  throne,  and  in  this 
trying  position  he  displaj’ed  as  far-seeing  a judgment 
as  that  which  had  already  secured  him  temporary 
success.  He  recognised  the  importance  of  fostering 
that  learning  of  which  the  nation  was  justly  proud, 
and  one  of  his  first  public  acts  was  directed  towards 
re-establishing  throughout  the  country  the  schools 
which  had  fallen  into  decay  during  the  troublous 
time  which  had  marked  the  decadence  of  the  House 
of  Jenghiz  Khan. 

During  the  halcyon  period  of  the  T’ang  Dynasty 
an  Imperial  College,  known  as  the  Hanlin  or  “Forest 


THE  HAN  LIN  COLLEGE 


41 


of  Pencils,”  had  been  established  under  Imperial 
patronage.  Admittance  to  this  palace  of  learning 
had  always  been  regarded  as  the  highest  literary 
honour  which  could  be  obtained  by  the  most  erudite 
scholars.  During  the  many  dynastic  changes  which 
had  taken  place  since  its  foundation  its  existence  had 
been  chequered  by  not  a few  periods  of  misfortune, 
and  by  none  greater  than  that  which  had  lately  over- 
taken it.  Hungwu — for  such  was  the  Imperial  title 
adopted  by  Chu — determined  to  rehabilitate  the  insti- 
tution. He  rebuilt  its  shattered  walls,  refurnished  its 
empty  rooms,  and  showed  his  personal  interest  in  the 
work  by  personally  visiting  the  building,  and  super- 
intending the  arrangements  for  its  revival.  It  was 
fit  and  proper  that  the  main  building  should  be  at 
Peking,  but  Hungwu  could  never  forget  that  Nan- 
king had  been  the  capital  of  his  choice,  and  as 
evidence  of  this  sentiment  he  built  and  endowed  a 
sister  institution  at  that  city.  Since  the  advent  of 
power  of  the  present  Manchu  Dynasty  this  last 
foundation  has  ceased  to  exist,  though  the  college  at 
Peking  still  maintains  its  high  reputation.  Like 
everything  else,  however,  in  the  northern  capital, 
with  the  exception  perhaps  of  parts  of  the  Imperial 
palace  and  of  the  foreign  legations,  the  Hanlin 
College  is  fast  hastening  to  decay.  Its  halls  are 
deserted  and  its  archives  and  library  are  covered 
thick  with  dust.  It  may  sound  paradoxical  to  say 
that  a building  in  such  a deplorable  condition  can 
represent  an  institution  to  which  all  men  look  up. 
But  so  it  is.  The  highest  literary  honour  that  it  is 
in  the  power  of  his  Emperor  to  confer  is  admittance 


42 


THE  YUAN  AND  MING  DYNASTIES 


to  the  ranks  of  the  chosen  few  who  boast  themselves 
as  being  Hanlin  scholars,  though  it  is  probable  that 
few  of  those  who  now  bear  that  title  have  ever  passed 
through  the  creaking  gates  of  the  Hanlin  College. 

Another  great  work  undertaken  by  Hungwu  was 
the  codification  of  the  laws  of  the  Empire.  During 
the  iMongol  Dynast}^  much  laxity  had  been  observed 
in  the  administration  of  justice.  The  IMongol  rulers 
were  men  of  action,  and  thought  more  of  the  weapons 
of  their  army  than  of  the  forms  of  the  legal  procedure. 
But  an  immense  benefit  was  conferred  on  the  nation 
at  large  by  this  peaceful  achievement  of  Hungwu. 
History  further  tells  us  that,  with  the  true  instincts 
of  a law-giver,  he  recognised  that  something  more 
than  forms,  however  excellent,  was  needed,  and 
devoted  much  time  and  energy  to  promoting  the 
practical  administration  of  justice  and  equity  in  the 
local  courts.  There  was  unquestionably  room  for 
such  an  effort,  but  to  cleanse  so  foul  an  Augean 
stable  as  the  Chinese  law  courts  was  more  than  one 
man,  however  able  and  however  well  intentioned, 
could  possibly  accomplish,  and  unfortunately  for  the 
nation  the  officials  ploughed  up  his  good  seed  as  soon 
as  it  was  sown.  ^lore  beneficial  legislation  in  this 
direction  would,  however,  undoubtedl}"  have  been 
effected  had  it  not  been  that  the  ^Mongols,  taking 
heart  of  grace  after  their  defeat,  took  the  field  once 
again  against  their  conqueror.  Even  in  the  home 
provinces  of  Shansi  and  Shensi  they  gained  such 
victories  over  the  Ming  troops  as  put  a considerable 
strain  on  Hungwu’s  resources,  while  in  the  pro- 
montory of  Liaotung  and  the  provinces  of  Szech’uan 


THE  CLOSE  OF  HUNGWU’S  REIGN  43 

and  Yunnan  they  completely  put  the  enemy  to  rout. 
To  meet  this  emergency  Hungwu  despatched  one 
army  against  Chungk’ing,  and  another  against  Ch’engtu 
in  Szech’uan,  and  having  pacified  those  districts 
marched  across  the  border  into  Yunnan  ; and 
ultimately  recovered  that  province  from  the  Mongol 
yoke.  In  the  midst  of  these  victories,  at  a ripe  age 
and  full  of  honours,  Hungwu  became  a guest  on  high 
(1399),  leaving  a rich  inheritance  to  his  successor.  It 
is  noteworthy  that  recently  the  thoughts  of  a large 
section  of  the  Chinese  people  have  been  led  back  to 
this  period.  It  is  by  a comparison  between  the 
present  state  of  the  Empire,  and  the  condition  of 
things  which  existed  under  the  first  sovereign  of  the 
Ming  Dynasty,  that  the  leaders  of  the  Kolaohwei  have 
been  able  to  enlist  so  many  recruits  to  their  banners. 
Hung,  the  first  syllable  of  the  sovereign’s  name,  has 
now  been  taken  as  the  second  title  of  this  very  revolu- 
tionary Society.  Time  will  show  what  is  the  extent 
of  the  disaffection  which  is  unquestionably  now 
brewing,  and  how  far  the  existence  of  foreigners 
in  the  country  will  serve  as  a check  to  any  serious 
disturbance  of  the  political  equilibrium.  Already 
within  modern  times  the  government  has  once  at 
least  been  saved  from  its  own  people  by  foreign 
intervention,  and  it  is  possible  that  a like  support 
may  again  be  required  to  bolster  up  the  central 
authority  in  times  of  future  trouble. 

Some  years  before  Hungwu’s  death,  his  eldest  son 
having  already  succumbed  to  disease,  he,  by  his  last 
testament  devised  his  Empire  and  Throne  to  his  grand- 
son, who  afterwards  adopted  the  title  of  Chienwen.  I n 


44 


The  yuan  and  ming  dynast/es 


Eastern  countries  where  primogeniture  is  not  the 
invariable  rule,  some  uncertainty  as  to  the  succes- 
sion generally  follows  an  Imperial  demise.  In  this 
case  each  of  the  younger  sons  considered  that  he  had 
a better  claim  to  the  Throne  than  his  nephew,  and  to 
avoid  the  outburst  of  any  unseemly  violence  between 
the  disputants  Hungwu  before  his  death  sent  the 
malcontents  to  their  provincial  posts,  keeping  his 
grandson  about  his  person  at  Court.  The  difficulty 
of  the  position  was  eventually  accentuated  by  the 
obligation  which  Chienwen  felt  to  be  incumbent  upon 
him  of  inviting  his  uncles  to  take  part  in  the  Imperial 
obsequies.  Wdth  the  exception  of  one,  the  Prince  of 
Yen,  they  all  with  one  consent  declined  to  be  present. 
Nor  did  the  acceptance  of  the  invitation  by  this 
prince  by  any  means  imply  a feeling  of  loyalty 
towards  his  nephew.  On  the  contrar}’-,  on  leaving 
the  Imperial  presence  he  at  once  retired  to  Nanking 
to  organise  his  forces  of  opposition.  Wdth  as  little 
loss  of  time  as  possible  he  took  the  field,  and  being  a 
man  of  great  energy,  determination,  and  courage,  he 
gained  a series  of  victories  ov'er  his  kinsman,  which 
were  chequered  only  by  some  trifling  defeats.  At 
length,  in  1402,  his  troops  had  so  completely  gained 
the  upper  hand  that  Chienwen  determined  to  give  up 
the  struggle  and  to  abdicate.  So  unusual  a step  led 
to  the  report  that  he  had  committed  suicide,  but 
possibly  with  a recollection  of  his  grandfather’s 
religious  propensities  he,  instead,  shaved  his  head 
and  sought  sanctuary  in  a monastery  in  Yunnan. 
For  forty  years  he  remained  incognito  in  the 
cloister,  but  at  the  end  of  that  time,  perhaps  weary  of 


YUNGLO'S  ADMINISTRATION  45 

the  monotony  of  his  existence,  he  launched  out  into 
poetry,  and  published  a volume  describing  his  former 
trials  and  difficulties  with  such  minute  details  that 
the  authorship  stood  confessed.  The  fact  of  his  being 
an  Emperor’s  son,  or  possibly  the  fear  that  he  might 
instigate  a rebellion,  induced  the  ruling  sovereign  to 
order  him  to  Peking,  where  he  was  kept  a state 
prisoner  within  the  precincts  of  the  palace  until  death 
put  an  end  to  his  troublous  existence.  Meanwhile 
Yen  was  urged  by  his  followers  to  usurp  the  throne. 
Nothing  loth  he  accepted  the  crown,  and  for  two 
and  twenty  years  reigned  with  vigour  over  the 
Empire.  During  the  Mongol  period  Peking  had 
been  the  official  capital,  and  Yunglo,  as  Yen  had 
styled  himself,  determined  so  far  to  break  the 
traditions  belonging  to  his  house  as  once  again 
to  transfer  the  seat  of  Government  from  Nanking 
to  Peking.  Further,  for  his  own  peace,  and  for  the 
satisfaction  of  his  followers  also,  he  considered  it  wise 
that  he  should  be  handed  down  to  posterity  as  the 
direct  heir  of  Hungwu,  and  he  therefore  issued  an 
edict  commanding  that  Chienwen’s  reign  should  be 
obliterated  from  the  annals,  and  that  the  four  years 
during  which  he  had  held  the  Imperial  sceptre  should 
be  added  to  the  reign  of  Hungwu. 

Under  his  able  administration  the  country  enjoyed 
comparative  peace,  and  he  had  time  to  turn  his 
attention  from  the  “ Eighteen  Provinces  ” to  the 
difficulties  which  were  disturbing  the  political  affairs 
of  Tonquin.  Compared  with  his  predecessors’  reigns 
his  rule  was  in  the  happy  position  of  having  no 
history  within  the  frontiers  of  the  Empire.  Beyond 


46  THE  YUAN  AND  MING  DYNASTIES 

the  northern  marches,  however,  war  with  the  Tartars 
was  chronic,  and  though  his  generals  gained  repeated 
victories  over  their  restless  adversaries,  the  system  of 
warfare  which  these  practised  made  it  impossible  for 
the  Chinese  to  consolidate  their  triumphs.  It  is 
always  difficult  to  destroy  a guerilla  force  which  has 
a boundless  territory  to  which  to  retire.  That  he 
inflicted  serious  losses  on  them  is  well  established  ; 
and  it  was  when  on  one  of  his  expeditions  against 
these  nomad  marauders  that  his  fatal  illness  overtook 
him  in  1425.  Yunglowas  more  than  a mere  soldier. 
He  showed  a wide  and  intelligent  interest  in  the 
literature  of  his  country,  and  caused  to  be  executed 
one  literary  task  which  alone  should  make  his  name 
famous.  He  appointed  a commission  of  the  leading 
scholars  of  the  time  to  compile  an  exhaustive  ency- 
clopaedia on  all  subjects  commemorated  in  Chinese 
literature.  After  bestowing  the  labour  of  many 
years  on  this  gigantic  compilation,  the  editors  pre- 
sented (1407)  their  Imperial  Master  with  a work 
consisting  of  no  fewer  than  22,877  books,  besides  the 
table  of  contents,  which  occupied  sixty  volumes. 

To  Yunglo  succeeded  several  sovereigns,  the 
history  of  whose  reigns  presents  a dismal  picture  of 
incompetence  and  anarchy.  The  historians,  indeed, 
delight  to  tell  us  that  envoys  from  Central  Asia, 
India,  and  Malacca,  came  to  pay  homage  at  the 
court  of  these  Sons  of  Heaven.  But  these  glimpses 
of  honour  are  set  off  in  a background  of  open  disorder 
and  successful  rebellion.  In  1428  Tonquin  threw  off 
the  Chinese  yoke  and  the  Tartars  raided,  almost 
unchecked,  over  the  northern  frontier  of  the  Empire. 


THE  EMPEROR  A PRISONER 


47 


At  one  great  battle  fought  against  these  Mongol 
horsemen  a hundred  thousand  Chinese  are  said  to 
have  been  killed,  and  the  victory  was  further  empha- 
sised by  the  capture  of  the  Emperor  Chengt’ung 
himself.  It  is  evidence  of  the  abject  condition  to 
which  the  Empire  was  brought  at  this  time,  that  though 
the  Tartar  chieftain  offered  to  release  his  Imperial 
prisoner  on  the  payment  of  a hundred  taels  of  gold,  two 
hundred  taels  of  silver,  and  two  hundred  pieces  of  silk, 
the  Chinese  were  unable  to  provide  the  ransom.  Eight 
years  Chengt’ung  remained  in  captivity,  and  during 
this  enforced  absence  from  Peking  his  throne  was 
vicariously  occupied  by  his  next  brother.  In  1465 
Chengt’ung  paid  the  great  debt  of  nature,  and  made 
his  death  humanely  memorable  by  an  order  that  the 
barbarous  Mongol  practice  of  immolating  slaves  at 
the  tombs  of  Sovereigns — a practice  which  had  been 
adopted  by  the  earlier  Ming  rulers — should  not  be 
followed  in  his  case.  A still  more  memorable  record 
of  his  reign  is  found  in  the  large  geographical  work 
on  the  Empire,  entitled  Ta  Ming yi  t'ung  chih,  or  “ A 
Complete  Geographical  Record  of  the  Empire  under 
the  great  Ming  Dynasty.”  The  example  thus  set  has 
fortunately  been  followed  by  the  rulers  of  the  present 
line  of  sovereigns,  under  whose  auspices  the  Ta 
CJiing yi  t'ung  chih  in  five  hundred  books,  which  de- 
scribes in  minute  detail  the  geographical  and  political 
condition  of  the  country,  has  been  issued  from  the  Press. 

It  was  during  the  reign  of  Chengt’ung’s  successor 
Ch’enghwa,  that  the  canal  from  Peking  to  the  Peiho 
was  made.  This  was  the  only  public  work  for  which 
there  was  either  time  or  inclination  in  the  midst  of 


48 


THE  YUAH  AND  HING  DYNASTIES 


the  brigandage  and  seditious  risings  which  disturbed 
the  Empire,  more  especially  in  the  northern  and 
western  provinces,  with  such  constant  persistency  that 
they  may  almost  be  said  to  have  been  endemic. 

During  the  reign  of  Chengte  (1506-22)  occurred 
an  event  which  led  up,  though  at  a long  interval,  to 
the  Treaties  which  now  govern  the  relations  of  China 
with  the  outer  world.  In  i 5 1 1 the  Portuguese,  Raphael 
Perestralo,  arrived  off  the  southern  coast  of  China, 
and  six  \*ears  later  Don  Fernao  Peres  D’Andrade 
presented  himself  at  Canton  in  command  of  a small 
squadron.  The  object  of  these  pioneers  was  the 
extension  of  commerce,  and  D’Andrade  having  been 
well  received  b}'  the  authorities  at  Canton,  proceeded 
to  Peking,  where  he  remained  some  years,  acting  the 
part  of  an  amateur  ambassador.  P'or  some  time  his 
relations  with  the  central  authorities  were  amicable, 
but  the  outrageous  action  of  his  compatriots  in  other 
parts  of  the  Empire  unhappily  brought  his  mission  to 
an  abrupt  and  unfortunate  close.  By  order  of  the 
Emperor  he  was  arrested  and  imprisoned,  and  after 
six  \’ears  of  confinement  was  summarily  beheaded  by 
order  of  the  succeeding  ruler,  Chiaching.  Such  a 
reprisal  was  undoubtedly  a high-handed  measure,  but 
the  Portuguese  traders  on  the  coast,  notably  at  Ningpo 
and  Foochow,  had  rapidly  filled  up  a large  cup  of 
iniquity.  They  had  been  guilty  of  every  form  of 
outrage,  and  at  Ningpo  had  proceeded  to  such 
excesses  that  on  the  occasion  of  a difference  with  the 
people  of  a neighbouring  village  they  had  fallen  upon 
and  massacred  their  opponents.  When  estimating 
the  conduct  of  an  Oriental  State  in  such  circum- 


5 


THE  OLD  FOREIGN  FACTORIES,  CANTON. 


50 


THE  YUAN  AXD  MING  DYNASTIES 


stances,  it  is  only  fair  that  the  opposite  side  of  the 
shield  should  be  seen,  and  it  cannot  be  denied  that 
the  history  of  the  early  Portuguese  settlements  in 
China  is  stained  by  every  form  of  iniquity. 

In  the  Chinese  histories  no  mention  is  made  of 
D’Andrade’s  residence  in  Peking,  and  the  first  Portu- 
guese visit  on  the  coast  is  put  down  to  the  year  1535. 
At  this  time  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Foochow  a 
general  massacre  of  the  Portuguese  took  place  in 
revenge  for  certain  nefarious  acts,  and  thirty  only  out 
of  several  hundred  escaped  to  tell  the  tale  to  their 
countrymen  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Canton.  x\fter 
numerous  negotiations  and  much  filibustering,  the 
Canton  officials  allowed  the  Portuguese  to  settle  on  the 
peninsula  of  Macao  in  exchange  for  an  annual  rental. 
To  say  that  the  lives  of  these  men  were  precarious 
would  certainly  not  be  over-stating  the  case.  They  were 
constantly  engaged  in  conflicts  with  the  forces  of  the 
Chinese  Government,  as  well  as  with  the  pirates  who 
ravaged  the  coasts,  but,  though  they  carried  their 
lives  in  their  hands,  so  lucrative  was  the  trade  in 
which  the}’  were  engaged  that  as  many  as  five  or  six 
hundred  Portuguese  were  commonl}"  to  be  found 
within  the  precincts  of  the  new  settlement. 

It  need  not  be  a matter  of  surprise  that  the  action 
of  these  pioneers  of  commerce  rendered  the  Chinese 
disinclined  to  receive  within  their  frontiers  any  for- 
eigner whom  they  could  convenient!}’  keep  out,  and 
when  the  missionary  Xavier,  burning  with  a desire  to 
carr}’  a knowledge  of  Christianity  to  the  people,  asked 
for  leave  to  be  allowed  to  deliver  this  message  of 
goodwill  to  all  men,  he  was  refused  permission  to  land. 


RICCI  S RELIGIOUS  SUCCESSES 


51 


Unwilling  to  give  up  the  enterprise  he  took  up  his 
residence  on  the  island  of  Sanshan,  within  sight  of 
the  mainland,  and  there  died  in  1552  without  having 
accomplished  the  yearning  desire  of  his  heart.  The 
same  inhospitality  was  offered  to  Michel  Roger,  the 
first  of  the  Jesuit  missionaries  who  attempted  to  gain 
a footing  in  the  Middle  Kingdom.  The  great  Ricci 
who  arrived  at  Macao  in  1582  was  more  successful. 
He  was  a man  with  wide  sympathies,  great  learning, 
and  much  Christian  charity.  He  began  his  work  in 
China  by  studying  the  language,  together  with  the 
scientific  and  religious  beliefs  of  the  people,  and  he 
thought  that  he  saw  in  the  native  ideas  on  the  subject 
of  the  Supreme  Being  and  the  whole  duty  of  man,  a 
likeness,  though  deformed  by  superstition,  but  still  a 
likeness,  to  the  truths  set  forth  in  the  gospel.  He 
seized  on  all  those  passages  in  the  Confucian  literature 
which  agree  with  the  utterances  of  the  inspired 
writers,  and  following  the  example  of  Saint  Paul  at 
Athens,  he  told  his  hearers  that  the  God  whom  they 
ignorantly  worshipped  was  the  God  whom  he  was 
sent  to  preach  to  them.  The  open-mindedness  which 
thus  characterised  his  sentiments  gained  for  him 
consideration  and  respect  among  all  classes  alike, 
from  the  ignorant  coolies  to  the  educated  mandarins. 
With  such  a reputation  he  was  received  with  favour 
at  Peking — a favour  which  was  not  diminished  by  his 
very  practical  knowledge  of  mechanics,  which  enabled 
him  even  to  set  to  rights  the  Emperor’s  clocks  and 
watches  which,  -under  the  unwonted  treatment  to 
which  they  were  subjected  by  the  palace  officials,  had 
gone  hopelessly  wrong.  Intent  on  interesting  and  at 


52 


THE  YUAN  AND  MING  DYNASTIES 


the  same  time  instructing  the  mandarins,  he  utilised 
his  knowledge  of  the  language  to  translate  the  first 
six  books  of  Euclid  into  Chinese.  At  a later  period 
he  published  in  Chinese  a geometrical  treatise  on  the 
theory  of  astronomical  measurement ; and  not  to 
leave  the  religious  feelings  of  the  people  untouched, 
he  brought  out  a work  on  the  character  and  attributes 
of  God.  The  scholarly  style  of  these  works  com- 
mended them  even  to  the  punctilious  taste  of  the 
and  their  author  enjoyed  during  his  residence 
in  Peking  the  respect  and  friendship  of  the  Court  and 
of  the  highest  officials  of  the  Empire.  It  is  note- 
worthy that  a movement  is  now  on  foot  for  inaugu- 
rating a .system  similar  to  that  of  Ricci.  Works  of 
scientific  and  general  interest  are  being  translated 
into  Chinese,  and  the  attempt  is  thus  being  made  to 
reach  those  members  of  the  upper  classes  who  have 
of  late  been  so  bitterly  opposed  to  European  inter- 
course. Ricci  died  in  i6io,  deeply  regretted  by  all 
with  whom  he  had  been  brought  into  contact. 

The  reign  of  Chiaching  (1522-67),  which  had  been 
disturbed  from  its  beginning  by  domestic  outbreaks, 
was  destined  before  its  clo.se  to  be  imperilled  by  the 
same  enemy  which  has  of  late  humbled  Chinese 
pride  to  the  dust.  It  will  be  remembered  that 
Kublai  Khan  made  several  expeditions  against 
Japan,  and  though  uniformly  unsuccessful  these 
onslaughts  none  the  less  left  a rankling  feeling  of 
ill-will  in  the  minds  of  the  Japanese.  As  the 
Mongol  power  declined  the  Japanese  sought  re- 
venge for  the  injuries  inflicted  on  them,  by  piratical 
raids  on  the  coast.  Mr.  Boulger,  in  his  “ History  of 


A JAPANESE  LYVASION 


53 


China,”  quotes  a passage  from  a Chinese  historian, 
who  describes  the  Japanese  of  this  period  as  being 
“intrepid,  inured  to  fatigue,  despising  life,  and  know- 
ing well  how  to  face  death  ; although  inferior  in 
number,  a hundred  of  them  would  blush  to  flee 
before  a thousand  foreigners,  and,  if  they  did,  they 
would  not  dare  to  return  to  their  country.  Senti- 
ments such  as  these,  which  are  instilled  into  them 
from  their  earliest  childhood,  render  them  terrible  in 
battle.”  This  description  is  as  true  to-day  as  it  was 
then,  and  their  prowess  appeared  as  conspicuously 
off  the  coasts  of  Fuhkien  and  Chehkiang  in  the  six- 
teenth century  as  it  did  at  the  battles  of  Pingyang 
and  Yalu.  These  lawless  attacks  on  the  Chinese 
coast  were  diversified  with  intervals  of  quiet,  during 
which  Japanese  merchants  reaped  a rich  harvest  from 
the  Chinese  traders.  Ikit  in  1552  a more  serious 
campaign  was  undertaken,  and  a landing  having 
been  effected  on  the  coast  of  Chehkiang,  the  invaders 
established  themselves  in  a fortified  post,  and  for 
a time  defended  their  position  against  all  comers. 
Some  years  later  they  even  advanced  and  laid  siege 
to  Nanking,  and  though  this  attempt  at  conquest 
failed,  the  repeated  onslaughts  of  the  invaders  para- 
lysed the  Imperial  power,  and  kept  the  Eastern 
Provinces  in  a chronic  state  of  disorder.  In  every 
naval  engagement  the  Japanese  were  successful,  and 
on  land,  though  vastly  outnumbered,  they  were  never 
hopelessly  defeated. 

From  time  immemorial  the  pursuit  of  the  philo- 
sopher’s stone  and  of  the  elixir  of  life  has  been  a 
favourite  occupation  with  Chinese  alchemists,  and 


54 


THE  YUAN  AND  MING  DYNASTIES 


though  refuted  over  and  over  again  by  the  cold  hand 
of  death,  it  has  never  lost  a certain  fascination  for  the 
ignorant  seekers  after  the  unknown.  It  is  strange  to 
find  that  Chiaching,  whose  occupation  of  the  throne 
had  been  one  long  troublous  struggle,  should  have 
desired  to  perpetuate  an  existence  which  can  have 
afforded  him  so  very  little  pleasure.  But  so  it  was, 
and  with  ceaseless  diligence  he  sought  to  snatch  from 
the  professors  of  Taoism  the  secret  which  was  to  make 
him  immortal.  As  the  approach  of  death  proved 
indisputably  the  folly  of  his  ways,  he  owned  his  error, 
and  on  his  death-bed  wrote  a confession  in  these 
words : — “ Forty-five  years  have  I occupied  the 
throne,  and  there  have  been  few  reigns  as  long. 
My  duty  was  to  revere  heaven,  and  to  take  care  of 
my  people  ; yet,  actuated  by  the  desire  to  find  some 
solace  for  the  evils  from  which  I have  continually 
suffered,  I allowed  myself  to  be  deceived  by  impostors, 
who  promised  me  the  secret  of  immortality.  This 
delusion  has  led  me  to  set  a bad  example  to  both 
my  magnates  and  my  people.  I desire  to  repair  the 
evil  by  this  edict,  which  is  to  be  published  through- 
out the  Empire  after  my  death.”  In  1566  he  passed 
into  the  land  of  shades,  and  his  son  Lungch’ing 
reigned  in  his  stead. 

The  only  event  of  importance  which  occurred  in 
this  reign  was  the  submission  of  the  turbulent 
Mongol  leader  Yenta,  who  had  long  defied  the 
Chinese  power.  Yenta  was  now  an  old  man,  and 
wishing  to  end  his  days  in  peace  he  entered  into 
negotiation  with  Lungch’ing,  who,  after  the  manner 
of  Eastern  sovereigns  when  dealing  with  submissive 


AN  EMPJ^ESS  REGENT 


55 


rebels,  granted  him  the  title  of  Prince,  and  so  set  at 
rest  a feud  which  had  been  of  time-honoured  exist- 
ence. But  though  Lungch’ing’s  reign  had  ended  in 
peace  and  quiet,  the  general  trend  of  the  nation’s 
history  was  downwards,  and  it  was  unfortunate  that 
at  this  time,  when  a strong  hand  was  needed  at  the 
helm,  a child  should  have  succeeded  to  the  throne. 
As  is  usual  in  such  cases  the  young  Emperor’s 
mother  was  proclaimed  Regent,  and  though  for  a 
time  the  legacy  of  peace  which  had  descended  to 
the  Empire  remained  intact,  it  was  not  long  before 
disturbances  again  broke  out.  In  Szech’uan,  and  on 
the  north-west  frontier  rebellions  of  considerable 
dimensions  afflicted  the  Empire.  The  important 
town  of  Ninghsia  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Tartars, 
led  by  the  chieftain  Popai,  who  added  ingratitude  to 
the  crime  of  rebellion  by  leading  his  forces  against 
the  Chinese  army  in  which  he  had  at  one  time  held 
high  rank.  Fortunately  the  Imperialists  were  able 
to  recover  the  city,  and  at  the  same  time  to  crush  the 
rebellion. 

But  while  thus  successful  in  the  north-west,  the 
same  foe  appeared  on  the  eastern  coast  who  had 
lately  proved  to  be  a formidable  antagonist  to  the 
Chinese.  Many  years  of  peace  and  of  successful 
raiding  on  the  Chinese  mainland  had  introduced  an 
era  of  prosperity  into  Japan,  and  the  people  having 
waxed  fat  began  to  kick.  They  had  long  been 
associated  with  Korean  politics  and  rivalries,  and 
seizing  on  the  present  opportunity  (1592)  when 
Korea,  as  has  not  been  uncommonly  the  case  in  her 
history,  was  distracted  by  internal  feuds,  they  landed 


56 


THE  YUAN  AND  MING  DYNASTIES 


a force  at  the  port  of  Fusan  under  the  command 
of  the  celebrated  general  and  subsequent  Shogun, 
Hideyoshi.  \\dthout  meeting  with  much  opposition 
Hideyoshi  advanced  across  the  peninsula  and  made 
himself  master  of  the  capital,  Seoul.  Until  the 
recent  war  the  Chinese  ha'-e  alwa}’s  acted  as  the 
suzerain  power  in  Korea,  and  in  this  emergency  the 
King,  as  in  duty  and  interest  bound,  appealed  to  the 
Chinese  Emperor  for  assistance.  The  appeal  was 
at  once  acknowledged,  and  a large  Chinese  force 
marched  into  Korea  by  way  of  the  Yalu  district. 
In  anticipation  of  this  movement  the  Japanese 
advanced  northwards  to  meet  the  attack,  and,  as  in 
1894,  took  up  their  position  in  Ping}’ang,  where  the\" 
were  received  without  opposition  by  the  inhabitants. 
The  Chinese  attack  was  delivered  in  force,  but 
Hideyoshi  commanded  and  disposed  his  men  so 
ably  that  they  had  little  difficult}"  in  beating  off 
their  assailants. 

The  efforts  which  had  been  made  for  the  campaign 
b}’  both  nations  had,  however,  so  far  weakened  their 
resources  that  neither  was  much  inclined  to  continue 
the  struggle  at  once.  The  Chinese,  therefore,  waited 
for  reinforcements,  and  the  Japanese  slowh^  retired 
on  their  base  at  Fusan.  Desultorv  engagements 
ensued,  and  the  Chinese  gained  one  decided  victor}^ 
near  Ping}'ang,  where  the}"  succeeded  in  burning  a 
depot  of  warlike  stores  on  which  Hideyoshi  had 
depended  for  the  arm}".  Xegotiations  for  peace 
followed,  and  it  is  noticeable  that  the  Chinese 
adopted  precisely  the  same  tactics  as  those  which 
they  practised  in  1895.  They  sent  ambassadors  of 


SPAIN  AND  THE  PHILIPPINES 


57 


inferior  rank  to  represent  tlie  Emperor,  and  by  this 
course  so  outraged  the  feelings  of  Hideyoshi,  who  in 
the  meantime  had  become  Shogun,  that  he  prepared 
a fresh  expedition  for  the  renewed  conquest  of  the 
country.  Before,  however,  anything  could  be  effected, 
the  news  reached  Fusan  of  his  death.  This  catas- 
trophe put  an  end  to  the  war,  and  peace  was  once 
more  restored  between  the  two  countries.  Of  the 
spoils  carried  off  by  the  Chinese  we  hear  nothing, 
but  the  Japanese  returned  to  their  islands  laden  with 
trophies,  among  which  were  the  ears  of  ten  thousand 
Koreans  who  had  been  butchered  in  the  frays. 

It  was  during  this  reign  that  the  Spaniards  reached 
the  Philippine  islands,  where  they  found  a congenial 
climate  and  a fertile  soil.  They,  however,  were  not 
the  only  people  who  recognised  these  advantages. 
They  had  no  sooner  settled  themselves  on  the  islands 
than  Chinese  emigrants  followed  their  example,  and 
in  the  quiet,  persistent  way  common  to  the  race, 
poured  into  the  country.  At  first  the  Spaniards  were 
well  pleased  to  have  such  willing  and  handy  crafts- 
men, but  as  the  number  of  them  increased  by  leaps 
and  bounds  they  soon  began  to  fear  for  their 
dominion.  Threats  and  persuasions  were  freely 
used  to  induce  the  intruders  to  return  to  their  native 
land,  and  these  proving  unavailing  an  order  was 
given  for  the  massacre  of  the  strangers.  Twenty 
thousand  Chinamen  are  said  to  have  been  slaugh- 
tered at  this  time,  and  had  these  been  subjects  of 
any  other  state  than  China  a war  would  have  been 
inevitable.  But  until  recent  years,  when  international 
law  has  been  made  a subject  of  study  at  Peking,  the 


58  THE  YUAN  AND  MING  DYNASTIES 

Chinese  Government  has  troubled  itself  very  little, 
if  at  all,  about  the  welfare  of  its  subjects  in  foreign 
lands.  In  this  case,  however,  a more  immediately 
direct  reason  caused  the  Emperor  \\"anli  to  overlook 
the  outrage.  Disturbances  had  broken  out  within 
the  Empire  which,  to  hold  in  check,  required  the 
services  of  every  available  man  at  his  command. 
To  subdue  these  completely  was  plainly  be}’ond  his 
power,  and  to  the  day  of  his  death,  in  1620,  wars  and 
rumours  of  wars  were  endemic  in  the  country. 

Meanwhile,  under  the  skilful  guidance  of  Ricci, 
Christianity  had  made  considerable  progress,  even 
amid  the  disorders  which  had  disturbed  the  reign  of 
Wanli.  Hsii,  one  of  the  Litei'ati,  and  a man  of  high 
scholarly  attainments  and  standing,  having  been 
converted  by  Ricci’s  influence,  threw  himself  heart 
and  soul  into  the  missionary  work.  It  was  mainly 
due  to  the  help  of  this  man  that  Ricci  was  able  to 
publish  the  scholarly  treatises  which  have  made  his 
name  immortal  in  connection  with  Chinese  Missions, 
and  Hsii’s  granddaughter,  baptized  under  the  name 
of  Candida,  ably  seconded  his  influence  with  money 
and  energy.  Thirty  churches  are  said  to  have  been 
built  by  her  means,  besides  ninet}^  buildings  for  the 
use  of  the  missionaries.  Unfortunately  for  the  peace 
of  the  Empire,  Wanli  left  no  son  by  his  Empress  to 
succeed  him,  and  at  his  death  he  was  compelled, 
therefore,  to  nominate  as  his  heir  the  eldest  son  of 
one  of  his  concubines.  A younger  brother  of  this 
fortunate  youth,  being  a favourite  with  his  father,  had 
been  led  to  expect  that  in  default  of  a son  by  the 
Empress,  he  would  have  -been  chosen  as  successor  to 


A REBELLIOUS  SON 


59 


the  Purple.  In  his  anger  at  what  he  considered  to  be 
his  supersession,  he  raised  the  standard  of  revolt,  and 
embittered  the  last  few  months  of  his  father’s  life  by 
creating  a conflict  within  his  own  household.  Three 


Emperors  in  succession  to  Wanli  completed  the  list 
of  Ming  rulers,  and  in  1644  the  first  Sovereign  of  the 
present  Ta  Ch’ing  Dynasty  ascended  the  throne. 
Though  it  cannot  be  said  that  science  and  art 


6o 


THE  YUAN  AND  MING  DYNASTIES 


flourished  under  the  i\Iing  rulers,  yet  the  artistic  taste, 
at  least,  of  the  people  was  not  entirely  neglected. 
Numerous  artists  painted  landscapes,  flowers,  and 
birds,  with  all  the  skill  that  had  guided  the  pencils  of 
the  artists  of  the  T’ang  and  Sung  Dynasties,  and  to 
them  the  Japanese  owe  and  acknowledge  a deep  debt 
of  gratitude  for  the  examples  which  they  set  to  the 
contemporary  painters  of  i\Iiako  and  Osaka.  The 
works  of  no  artists  are  more  admired  in  Japan  than 
those  of  Sesshiu  and  Kano,  both  of  whom  drew  their 
inspirations  direct  from  China  during  this  period. 
The  landscapes  of  Ma  Yuan,  and  the  flowers  and 
birds  of  Ting  Yiich’uan  are  artistic  creations  which 
must  at  all  times  and  in  all  places  command  admira- 
tion, and  these  are  but  two  of  a host  of  painters  who 
delighted  and  still  delight  all  connoisseurs  of  art. 
The  wood-engraving  of  this  period  is  famous  for 
beauty  of  design  and  skilful  treatment,  and  is  eagerly 
sought  after  for  the  adornment  of  houses  by  those  to 
whom  the  god  of  wealth  has  been  propitious. 

In  several  important  points  scientific  teaching 
improved  considerably  during  the  same  period  owing 
to  the  arrival  of  Western  missionaries  in  the  countr}\ 
Ricci,  as  we  have  seen,  instructed  the  Literati  in 
geometrical  and  astronomical  knowledge,  which 
happily  was  not  allowed  to  perish  with  him.  In 
1628  John  Adam  Schall  arrived  in  China,  and  pro- 
ceeded to  Peking,  where,  under  Imperial  patronage, 
he  was  appointed  Astronomer-Royal,  and  was 
deputed  to  rearrange  the  Imperial  Calendar.  Under 
the  three  last  Emperors  of  the  iMing  Dynasty,  and 
the  two  first  of  the  present  dynasty,  Schall  was 


K^ANGHSI  AND  THE  MISSIONARIES 


6l 


treated  with  all  the  respect  and  honour  to  which  he 
was  entitled.  But  at  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of 
K’anghsi  he  fell  on  evil  days.  Jealousy  was  aroused 
against  him,  and  on  a charge  of  law-breaking  brought 
by  his  enemies,  he  was  thrown  into  prison  and  loaded 
with  chains.  From  this  evil  strait  he  was  liberated 
by  death  in  about  1666.  During  the  years  of  his 
ascendancy  he  had  worked  with  single-hearted  zeal 
in  the  cause  of  the  faith,  and  it  is  said  that  between 
the  years  1660  and  1664  a hundred  thousand  converts 
were  claimed  by  the  Church  through  the  instrumen- 
tality of  Schall  and  his  co-workers.  At  one  time  the 
Emperor  K’anghsi  showed  a disposition  which  tended 
towards  conversion.  But  this  wished-for  consumma- 
tion was  never  achieved,  though  the  Emperor’s 
mother,  wife,  and  son  all  received  baptism,  which  rite 
was  also  sought  and  received  by  fifty  ladies  of  the 
Court. 

As  men  of  science  the  missionaries  received  every 
consideration  from  the  Emperor,  and  though  they 
were  disposed  at  times  to  consider  that  his  attitude 
towards  Christianity  was  satisfactory,  it  is  plain  that 
in  his  heart  of  hearts  he  viewed  the  subject  with 
all  the  perfect  indifference  of  a faithful  follower  of 
Confucius. 

“ Why  do  you  so  much  trouble  yourselves,”  he 
asked  on  one  occasion  of  a spiritual  adviser,  “ about 
a world  which  you  have  never  yet  entered  ? ” and 
adopting  the,  to  him,  canonical  view,  he  expressed  his 
opinion  that  it  would  be  much  wiser  if  they  thought 
less  of  the  world  to  come,  and  more  of  the  present 
life.  It  is  possible  that  when  he  said  this  he  may 


62 


THE  YUAN  AND  MING  DYNASTIES 


have  had  in  his  mind  the  dying  word  of  Ferdinand 
de  Capillas.  who  suffered  martyrdom  in  1648.  “ I 

have  had  no  home  but  the  world/’  said  this  priest,  as 
he  faced  his  last  earthly  judge,  “ no  bed  but  the 
ground,  no  food  but  what  Providence  sent  me  from 
day  to  day,  and  no  other  object  than  to  do  and  suffer 
for  the  glory  of  Jesus  Christ,  and  for  the  eternal 
happiness  of  those  who  believe  in  His  Name.” 

It  is  possible  also  that  the  dissensions  which  broke 
out  among  the  Roman  Catholic  missionaries  in  China 
during  the  last  half  of  the  seventeenth  century  may 
have  had  something  to  do  with  the  cynical  attitude 
adopted  by  K’anghsi  towards  them.  In  1651  a party 
of  Dominicans  arrived  in  China  to  supplement  the 
work  being  done  by  the  Jesuits.  These  latest  arrivals 
had  no  sooner  landed  than  they  became  shocked  at 
the  wise  latitude  allowed  by  the  Jesuits  in  matters  of 
religious  forms.  With  the  wisdom  of  the  serpent, 
and,  as  it  had  hitherto  proved,  with  the  harmlessness 
of  the  dove,  the  Jesuits,  in  their  desire  to  gain 
intellectual  dominion  over  the  people,  had  granted 
admission  into  their  services  of  practices  which 
savoured  somewhat  of  the  superstitious  rites  of  the 
natives.  The  ancient  and  respectable  worship  of 
Ancestors  received  their  approval  on  the  plea  that  it 
was  rather  a civil  than  a religious  service.  They^  had 
adopted  also  the  abstract  term  T’ien,  or  Heaven,  for 
the  Christian  God,  and  made^no  objection  to  the 
exhibition  in  their  churches  of  scrolls  bearing  the 
inscription,  “Worship  Heaven.”  The  Dominicans, 
fresh  from  Rome,  and  unaccustomed  to  the  casuistry 
which  by  long  practice  had  become  part  of  the  Jesuit 


MISSIONARY  QUARRELS 


63 


character,  at  once  set  their  faces  against  these 
practices.  The  Jesuits,  firm  in  the  inherited  wisdom 
of  Ricci,  refused  to  listen  to  what  they  considered  to 
be  the  carping  criticism  of  their  opponents,  and 
declined  to  make  any  alterations  in  their  practices. 
The  Dominicans  appealed  to  Rome,  and  after  much 
doubt  and  controversy,  a papal  decree  was  issued 
proclaiming  the  worship  of  ancestors  to  be  a 
heathenish  practice,  and  one  which  was  not  to  be 
for  a moment  sanctioned  by  the  Holy  Mother 
Church. 


Ill 

THE  RISE  OF  THE  MANCHUS 

While  yet  the  influence  of  Ricci  was  supreme  at 
Peking,  and  while  yet  Wanli  sat  on  the  throne,  the 
IManchu  power  was  rising  in  the  north-east,  which 
was  destined  ultimately  to  bring  all  China  under  its 
yoke.  After  the  defeat  of  the  Kin  Tartars  by  the 
Mongols  in  the  thirteenth  century,  scattered  bands 
had  made  their  way  back  to  their  original  haunts  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  Moukden.  Many  of  these 
men  had  added  military  skill  to  their  warlike  natures, 
and  thus  formed  a formidable  though  small  body 
of  warriors  in  the  midst  of  the  various  tribes  of 
Manchus  who  inhabited  the  surrounding  territories. 
Among  these  wandering  and  superstitious  people  a 
miracle  was  proclaimed.  While  a Manchu  maiden 
was  seated  on  the  shores  of  the  lake  whose  waters 
lap  the  sides  of  the  Long  White  Mountain,  a 
magpie  dropped  a .red  fruit  into  her  lap.  The 
maiden  ate  the  fruit  and  straightway  conceived  a son, 
whose  name  was  called  Aisin  Gioro,  the  Golden. 
Such  a birth  entitled  the  infant  to  the  highest  honours, 

64 


NURHACHU 


65 


and  with  one  consent  he  was  elected  to  the  chieftain- 
ship  of  the  clan.  To  this  chieftain  succeeded  in 


A MONUMENT  AT  MOUKUEN. 

course  of  time  his  son,  whose  grandson,  Nurhachu, 
born  in  I destined  to  justify  his  miraculous 

6 


66 


THE  RISE  OE  THE  MANCHUS 


origin  by  vanquishing  for  himself  and  his  successors 
the  ancient  Empire  of  China. 

As  Xurhachu  reached  manhood  he  took  an  active 
part  in  the  affairs  of  his  tribe,  and  by  virtue  of  his 


descent  was,  in  the  natural  order  of  things,  proclaimed 
chieftain  of  it.  His  appearance  is  said  to  have 
indicated  the  future  that  lay  before  him.  Native 
writers  love  to  dwell  on  his  dragon  face  and  phoenix 


MANCHU  VICTORIES 


67 


eyes,  his  enormous  chest,  his  large  ears,  and  his  deep- 
toned  voice.  These  features,  by  common  belief, 
belong  to  leaders  of  men,  and  if  they  graced  the 
frame  of  Nurhachu  they  were  certainly  truer  omens 
than  are  most  signs  and  forecasts.  At  this  time  the 
Manchus  were  divided  up  into  numberless  small 
clans  which  were  scattered  in  the  wide  district  which 
divides  the  great  wall  from  the  Amur,  and  the  first 
task  to  which  Nurhachu  devoted  himself  was  to  weld 
these  scattered  tribes  into  one  confederacy.  Good 
fortune  attended  his  efforts,  and  the  extent  of  his 
success  may  be  estimated  by  the  jealousy  with  which 
he  was  viewed  by  riv'al  chieftains.  At  first  the 
Chinese,  who  considered  themselves  the  lords  para- 
mount over  the  Manchurian  tribes,  regarded  the 
movement  as  being  too  insignificant  to  require  their 
attention.  Besides,  at  this  time  local  riots  and  some- 
what serious  rebellions  were  disturbing  the  peace  of 
several  of  the  provinces  of  the  Empire.  At  length 
Wanli,  who  still  sat  on  the  throne  at  Peking,  was 
roused  to  action  by  such  complaints  as  the  defeated 
are  always  ready  to  bring  against  a successful  foe, 
and  he  took  up  the  cause  of  a certain  Nikan,  who 
was  of  all  others  Nurhachu’s  chief  opponent.  Like 
other  people,  the  Chinese  often  make  the  mistake  of 
despising  their  enemies,  and  in  the  campaign  which 
followed  they  suffered  the  penalty  of  their  misguided 
folly.  In  1591  Nurhachu  had,  so  far  advanced  his 
cause  as  to  be  able  to  annex  the  Yalu  district.  Such 
an  obvious  proof  of  his  success  was  gall  and  worm- 
wood to  those  neighbouring  chieftains  who  had  held 
aloof  from  his  confederacy,  and  seven  of  these  dE- 


68 


THE  RISE  OF  THE  MAXCHUS 


contented  rulers  banded  themselves  together  to  rob 
him  of  the  legitimate  rewards  of  his  wisdom  and 
foresight.  At  the  head  of  thirty  thousand  men  they 
marched  out  to  meet  the  four  thousand  who  fought 
under  his  banners.  But  Xurhachu,  who  had  all  the 
military  ability  of  a Napoleon,  defeated  the  allies  in 
detail  and  slew  four  thousand  of  their  chosen  warriors. 
This  success  tempted  him  to  further  ventures,  and  as 
a preliminary  step  he  opened  his  plan  of  campaign 
by  an  assault  on  the  Liaotung  peninsula.  This  was 
a direct  attack  on  the  Empire  of  China,  and  to  justify 
so  extreme  a measure  he  drew  up  a statement  of 
the  seven  grievances  which  he  brought  against  his 
powerful  neighbour,  the  first  of  which  described  in 
general  terms  the  grounds  of  his  several  indictments. 
“ Though  my  ancestors,”  he  wrote,  “ never  took  a 
straw  from,  nor  injured  an  inch  of  earth  within,  the 
Chinese  boundary,  the  Chinese  were  unceasingly 
quarrelling  with  them,  and  without  just  reason  abetted 
my  neighbours  to  the  great  injury  of  my  ancestors.” 

The  other  six  complaints  described  in  detail  the 
specific  acts  of  which  he  complained.  In  the  follow- 
ing year  (i6i8)  he  opened  the  campaign  by  crossing 
the  Chinese  frontier  and  capturing  the  cities  of  Fushun 
and  Chingho. 

The  Chinese  were  now  fully  alarmed  ; but  as  has  so 
often  happened  in  the  history  of  the  Empire,  they  had 
so  overlooked  the  beginning  of  the  evil  that  by  the 
time  they  took  the  field  they  found  themselv’es  face  to 
face  with  a large  and  well-equipped  army,  instead  of 
the  roving  bands  of  banditti  which  had  represented 
the  original  force  of  the  movement.  The  saying  that 


CHINESE  SOLDIERS 


69 


chinesp:  native  soldiers,  with  officer. 


70 


THE  RISE  OF  THE  MANCHUS 


Providence  is  on  the  side  of  large  battalions  is  one  of 
those  aphorisms  which  does  not  apply  to  Chinese 
battlefields.  We  have  lately  seen  how,  though 
numerically  inferior,  the  Japanese  defeated,  put  to 
flight,  and  destroyed  the  huge  masses  of  troops 
which  the  Chinese  were  able  to  bring  against  them  in 
Korea  and  in  those  districts  over  which  Nurhachu 
in  his  day  manoeuvred.  And  in  this  instance  it  was 
as  inapplicable  as  during  the  late  war.  A hundred 
thousand  Chinese  troops  marched  against  the  60,000 
who  followed  the  Xiuchi  chieftain,  and  if  in  executing 
his  tactics  the  general  commanding  had  desired  to 
place  himself  and  his  men  in  the  hollow  of  his  adver- 
sary’s hand,  he  could  not  have  acted  better  than  he 
did.  With  fatal  consequences  he  divided  his  army 
into  three  forces,  and  thus  gave  Nurhachu  the  oppor- 
tunity which  he  desired.  With  unerring  instinct  he 
recognised  his  opponent’s  mistake,  and  by  a series  of 
rapid  movements  he  fought  the  three  armies  in  detail, 
and  practically  annihilated  them.  It  is  said  that  in 
these  engagements  310  general  officers  and  45,000 
soldiers  were  slain.  The  baggage  of  the  vanquished 
also  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  IManchus,  who  thus 
became  possessed  of  welcome  stores  with  which  to 
replenish  and  supplement  the  very  defective  supplies 
of  their  men. 

It  so  happened  that  just  when  the  news  of  the  first 
reverses  reached  Peking  the  Portuguese  Envoy,  Gon- 
salvo  de  Texeira,  arrived  at  the  capital  on  a mission 
connected  with  the  settlement  at  Macao.  Finding 
the  Government  in  a dire  strait,  the  Envoy,  on  the 
principle  of  Do  ut  des^  offered  to  supply  a Portuguese 


POR  TUG  UESE  A UXILIARIES 


7 


contingent  to  help  the  Imperial  forces  against  the 
invader.  Chinese  pride  has  never  been  able  to  resist  the 
offer  of  help  in  times  of  emergency.  The  mandarins 
may  profess  to  despise  the  foreign  barbarians  and  all 
their  works,  but  whether  against  the  invading  Manchus 
or  the  rebellious  T’aip’ings  they  have  always  shown  a 
readiness  to  avail  themselves  of  any  assistance  which 


A STREET  SCENE  IN  MOUKDEN. 

foreigners  have  chosen  to  offer.  In  this  case  they  in- 
stantlyaccepted  the  Envoy’s  proposal,  and  a corps  of  two 
hundred  Portuguese  arquebusiers,withan  equal  number 
of  drilled  and  equipped  natives,  were  enrolled  for  the 
service.  With  a certain  amount  of  parade  this  small 
force  travelled  from  Macao  to  Peking.  But  by  the 
time  they  reached  the  capital,  however,  the  Emperor’s 


THE  RISE  OF  THE  MANCHUS 


alarm  had  subsided,  and  his  zeal  having  consequently 
diminished,  the  Portuguese  commander  was  politely 
requested  to  leave  his  guns,  and  to  march  his  men 
back  to  i\Iacao.  It  is  on  record  that  the  guns  so 
borrowed  eventually  did  good  service  against  the 
enemy. 

But  though  effective  these  weapons  failed  to  check 
the  march  of  the  Manchus,  who,  after  a difficult  siege, 
captured  the  city  of  Moukden,  and  marched  to  the 
attack  of  Liaoyang.  Here  a vigorous  defence  was 
offered,  and  the  city  yielded  only  when  the  entire  gar- 
rison had  been  put  to  the  sword.  After  the  capture 
of  this  city  the  native  historians  mention  incidentally 
that  the  townspeople  acknowledged  allegiance  to  their 
new  masters  by  shaving  their  heads.  This  is  the  first 
reference  to  be  met  with  of  the  custom  of  shaving  the 
head  and  wearing  the  pigtail,  which  is  now  the  uni- 
versal custom  in  China.  Such  a subject  is  generally 
beneath  the  notice  of  Chinese  writers  of  history,  who 
never  trouble  themselves  to  chronicle  an\’thing  but  the 
events  occurring  in  court  and  camp  during  the  period 
of  which  they  write.  Their  silence  on  this  point 
leaves  the  origin  of  the  practice  obscure,  and  whether 
it  was  a IManchu  custom  or  one  which  was  only  then 
adopted  as  a sign  of  conquest,  we  have  no  means  of 
ascertaining. 

IMeanwhile  disturbances  of  a serious  nature  broke 
out  in  the  Province  of  Szech’uan,  and  in  the  existing 
distracted  state  of  the  country  the  Emperor’s  forces 
would  have  had  great  difficulty  in  re-establishing  order 
in  this  outlying  district,  had  not  a native  heroine 
stepped  into  the  breach,  Tsinliang,  the  female 


A CHINESE  JOAN  OF  ARC 


73 


chieftain  of  one  of  the  aboriginal  tribes  in  the  Pro- 
vince, like  another  Joan  of  Arc,  raised  a large  force 
on  the  outbreak  of  hostilities,  to  supplement  the  small 
army  which  the  Emperor  was  able  to  put  into  the 
field.  Success  attended  Tsinliangs  efforts  and  the 
Province  was  recovered  for 
the  Imperialists.  But  this 
rising  was  only  one  symp- 
tom of  the  evil  which  was 
germinating  in  the  body 
politic.  In  Yunnan  and 
Kweichow  leaders  arose, 
who  led  the  unruly  and 
disaffected  after  them,  and 
at  the  same  time  an  equally 
serious  outbreak  occurred  in 
the  North-eastern  Province 
of  Shantung,  where,  before 
the  prowess  and  skill  of  a 
chief  named  Shu,  a number 
of  cities  yielded  themselves 
to  his  arms.  Shu,  however, 
with  all  his  ability,  had  not 
the  makings  of  a permanent 
leader  of  men,  and  at  his 
first  reverse  his  follow^ers 
deserted  him. 

But  the  cloud  wdiich  w^as  really  charged  wdth  danger 
to  the  dynasty  lay  over  the  north-eastern  portion  of 
the  Empire,  wdiere  Nurhachu  w'as  still  threatening  the 
frontier.  In  his  various  raids  and  expeditions  he  w^as, 
with  one  exception,  uniformly  successful ; but  it 


74 


THE  RISE  OF  THE  MARCH  US 


chanced  that  at  the  city  of  Ningyuan  to  the  north  of 
the  Great  \\"all,  there  was  stationed  a general  whose 
eminent  ability  and  cool  courage  enabled  him  for  a 
time,  at  least,  to  turn  back  the  tide  of  war.  Against 
this  fortress  Xurhachu  made  two  vigorous  attacks,  and 
on  both  occasions  was  defeated  with  heavy  loss.  Had 
the  defenders  of  the  walls  been  dependent  on  native 
arms  alone  the  result  may  possibly  have  been  dif- 
ferent But  the  guns  which  the  Portuguese  had 
brought  from  Macao,  and  which  were  supplemented 
by  others  cast  under  the  superintendence  of  the 
Jesuits  at  Peking,  stood  on  the  battlements,  and 
against  these  destructive  weapons  the  Manchus  failed 
even  to  hold  their  own.  Nurhachu  was  now  an 
elderly  man,  and  this  second  failure  was  more  than 
his  declining  energies  could  enable  him  to  withstand. 
W'ith  a sense  of  his  impending  doom  upon  him,  he 
withdrew  his  troops  to  IMoukden,  where  in  i626death 
brought  to  an  end  a great  and  memorable  career. 
The  mantle  of  the  deceased  warrior  fell  on  his  fourth 
son,  T’ientsung.  At  first  this  new  sovereign  showed 
some  inclination  to  come  to  terms  with  China  ; but 
if  his  desire  was  genuine  he,  to  say  the  least,  made 
his  advances  in  a most  unfortunate  fashion  : “ There 
is  only  one  sun  in  the  heavens  and  only  one  Emperor 
beneath  the  sky,”  is  the  Chinese  saying,  and  so  far  as 
the  extreme  east  of  Asia  is  concerned  there  is  some 
justification  for  the  boast.  When,  therefore,  T’ien- 
tsung addressed  the  Emperor  on  equal  terms,  the 
Imperial  advisers  were  taken  aback  at  his  audacity. 
Nor  was  their  irritation  diminished  when  news 
reached  the  capital  that  the  Manchus  had  invaded 


DEATH  OF  THE  EMPEROR 


75 


Korea,  and  had  crushed  it  beneath  their  heels.  Nego- 
tiations for  peace,  therefore,  did  not  prosper,  and 
T’ientsung  determined,  in  default  of  successful  negotia- 
tions, to  take  up  arms  against  his  foes.  But  the  city 
of  Ningyuan  still  stood  between  him  and  his  prey, 
and  his  forces  fared  no  better  before  its  walls  than  had 
his  father’s  legions.  While  the  Manchus  were  thus 


A MANXHURIAN  THEATRE. 


being  lield  at  arms’  length  by  this  faithful  city,  the 
Chinese  Emperor,  T’iench’i,  became  a guest  on  high 
(1627),  and  was  succeeded  by  his  younger  brother, 
T’sungcheng.  The  renowned  skill  and  valour  of  the 
defender  of  Ningyuan  were,  as  the  Manchus  were  well 
aware,  rare  qualities  in  Chinese  generals,  and  T’ien- 
tsung knew  with  equal  certainty  that  if  he  could  once 


76 


THE  RISE  OE  THE  MANCHUS 


pass  this  invincible  fortress  he  might  achieve  easy 
victories  in  the  fertile  plains  of  Northern  China.  It 
is  a common  axiom  of  war  that  it  is  unsafe  to  advance 
into  an  enemy’s  country  while  leaving  a strong  uncon- 
quered fortress  in  the  rear  of  the  invading  force.  There 
are,  however,  exceptions  to  this  dictum,  and  T’ientsung 
rightly  considered  that  this  was  one.  Acting  on  his 
instinctive  perception,  he  proposed  to  his  generals  that 
he  should  mask  Ningyuan  and  march  at  once  on 
Peking.  The  idea  was  so  bold  that  it  met  with  oppo- 
sition, which,  however,  finally  yielded  to  argument, 
and  the  order  of  march  was  given.  Assisted  by  his 
Mongolian  allies  T’ientsung  led  his  troops  south- 
ward through  the  Ta-an  and  other  passes.  By  these 
routes  the  IManchu  army  poured  into  the  plains, 
leaving  a small  force  to  represent  the  main  body 
before  Ningyuan.  Chunghwan,  the  defender  of  Ning- 
}aian,  was  not  long  deceived  by  this  manoeuvre.  He 
felt  that  he  was  out  of  touch  with  his  adversary,  and 
his  suspicions  were  confirmed  by  his  scouts,  who 
brought  him  news  of  the  adventurous  adv^ance  of  the 
enemy.  Without  a moment’s  hesitation  he  deter- 
mined on  the  course  to  be  pursued.  He  knew  the 
capital  was  insufficiently  garrisoned,  and  he  resolved 
at  once  to  march  to  its  relief  Then  began  a race 
between  the  two  armies,  and  though  the  IManchus  had 
some  days’  start  the  delay  occasioned  by  the  neces- 
sary investment  of  cities  by  the  way,  enabled  Chung- 
hwan to  reach  Peking  first.  The  presence  of  this  very 
formidable  opponent  convinced  T’ientsung  that  his 
chances  of  taking  the  city  by  fair  means  were  very 
considerably  diminished,  and  he  therefore  entered  into 


A TREACHEROUS  PLOT 


77 


a plot  to  bring  about  the  downfall  of  the  great  Chinese 
general.  The  scheme  he  adopted  was  as  mean  as  it 
was  successful.  He  induced  some  of  his  officers  to  hold 
a conversation  within  earshot  of  two  of  the  palace 
eunuchs  whom  he  had  taken  prisoners.  The  burden 
of  their  conversation  was  that  Chunghwan  had  turned 
traitor,  and  had  agreed  to  open  the  gates  of  the  city 


TRAVELLING  IX  MANCHURIA. 


to  the  Manchus.  So  soon  as  the  subtle  poison  had 
entered  the  ears  of  the  eunuchs  the  prison  doors  were 
left  unguarded,  and  the  captives  were  allowed  to 
escape  to  tell  their  Imperial  master  of  the  supposed 
treachery  of  the  man  in  whom  he  trusted.  Fully  be- 
lieving the  truth  of  the  story,  the  Emperor  summoned 
Chunghwan  to  his  presence,  when,  without  giving  him 


/8 


THE  RISE  OF  THE  MANCHUS 


any  opportunity  of  defending  himself  against  the 
slander,  he  condemned  him  to  prison  and  to  the  exe- 
cution ground.  But  even  without  the  strength  which 
Chunghwan’s  presence  had  added  to  the  garrison 
T’ientsung  felt  unable  to  carry  the  city,  and  being 
unwilling  to  continue  engaging  in  the  constant 
encounters  which  merely  tended  to  harass  his  troops, 
he  raised  the  siege  and  retired  northwards.  The 
Chinese,  who  always  prefer  following  a retreating 
rather  than  facing  an  advancing  enemy,  hung  on  his 
line  of  march  and  recaptured  several  cities  which  had 
previously  yielded  to  the  Manchu  attack. 

In  this  direction  the  Imperial  prospects  had  im- 
proved, but  the  adx'antage  was  only  momentary.  The 
Emperor  had  scarcely  ceased  to  congratulate  himself 
on  the  retreat  of  the  ]\Ianchus  when  news  was  brought 
him  of  the  outbreak  of  a more  than  usually  formid- 
able rebellion  in  the  province  of  Shensi.  This  rev'olt 
was  headed  by  the  two  powerful  rebel  leaders,  Chang 
and  Li,  who,  at  first,  according  to  the  historians,  fared 
badly  at  the  hands  of  the  army  sent  against  them. 
But  Chinese  reports  from  battlefields  are  not 
alwa}’s  to  be  trusted.  On  one  occasion,  however,  it  is 
certain  that  the  Imperialists  gained  a victory.  But 
this  advantage  they,  with  a folly  which  would  be  in- 
conceivable except  on  the  ground  of  treachery,  turned 
to  their  own  detriment.  Having  driven  the  rebel 
force  commanded  by  Li  into  the  mountains  they  de- 
manded an  unconditional  surrender.  To  this  they 
were  plainly  entitled,  for  so  impossible  did  escape 
appear  to  be  that  Li  at  once  agreed  to  lay  down  his 
arms,  though  with  a certain  effrontery  he  added  the 


THE  FIRST  MAXCHU  ARTILLERY 


79 


condition  that  he  and  his  men  should  be  allowed  to 
go  their  way  in  safety.  To  these  extravagant  terms 
the  Chinese  general  agreed,  and  the  army  had  the 
mortification  of  seeing  thirty-six  thousand  rebels,  who 
had  been  completely  at  their  mercy,  march  off  scot 
free. 

The  retreat  of  T’ientsung  into  Manchuria  was  by  no 
means  indicative  of  an  intention  to  give  up  his  great 
enterprise  ; rather,  it  was  with  the  idea  of  preparing 
for  another  spring  at  the  prize  which  was  destined  to 
fall  into  his  country’s  hands.  It  was  at  this  crisis  that 
the  Manchus,  for  the  first  time,  provided  themselves 
with  artillery,  having  learnt  by  experience  that  the 
god  of  battles  was  in  the  habit  of  lending  his  counte- 
nance to  the  destructive  guns  of  the  foreigners.  As  a 
preliminary  plan  of  campaign  they  overran  the  dis- 
tricts in  IMongolia  bordering  on  the  Great  Wall,  and 
then  turned  their  attention  to  the  strongly-fortified 
city  of  Tungchow,  which,  after  resisting  their  attack 
for  some  time,  fell  into  their  hands,  together  with  the 
fortified  position  of  Sungshan.  But  in  T’ientsung’s 
opinion  these  advantages  availed  him  little  so  long  as 
Ningyuan,  which  was  now  commanded  by  the  cele- 
brated general  Wu  Sankwei,  held  out  against  him. 
With  this  fortress  in  his  rear  he  dared  not  adv^ance  in 
force  against  Peking,  and  pending  its  capture  he  was 
obliged  to  content  himself  with  raiding  expeditions  into 
some  of  the  northern  provinces  of  the  Empire.  But 
the  fates  were  adverse  to  him,  and  in  their  wisdom 
had  decreed  that,  though  in  sight  of  the  promised 
land,  the  possession  of  the  goodly  heritage  should  be 
left  to  other  hands  than  his.  At  the  early  age  of 


8o 


THE  RISE  OF  THE  MAXCHUS 


fifty-two  death  overtook  him  at  ]\Ioukden,  in  1643, 
not,  however,  before  he  had  assumed  the  Imperial 
Purple  and  had  given  to  his  dynasty  the  name  of 
Ta  Ch’ing,  which  it  still  bears. 

IMeanwhile  the  Li  and  Chang  rebellion  had  been 
making  way  in  the  provinces.  In  Shensi,  Shansi,  and 
Honan  the  first  named  had  become  all  powerful,  and 
to  Chang’s  lot  had  fallen  considerable  success  in 
Hupeh  and  Kiangnan.  At  Hsiang)^ang  one  of  those 
curious  coincidences  which  occasionally  befall  adven- 
turers occurred  to  Chang.  On  entering  the  city  he,  by 
chance,  discovered  his  wife  and  children,  who  had  been 
captured  by  the  Imperialists  some  ten  months  before, 
living  quietly  among  the  people.  That  they  had  not 
met  the  common  doom  of  the  relatives  of  rebels  is 
probably  to  be  attributed  less  to  the  mercy  of  their 
captors  than  to  the  idea  that  they  might  be  held  as 
hostages  to  tempt  Chang  to  return  to  his  allegiance. 
Though  generally  victor}^  sided  with  Li  he  met  with 
failure  before  K’aifeng.  \Miat  Xingyuan  had  been  to 
T’ientsung,  that  city  was  to  Li.  His  repeated  attacks 
on  the  fortress  were  as  vain  as  the  washing  of  the  waves 
against  a rock,  and  after  numerous  assaults,  in  one  of 
which  he  lost  an  eye,  he  determined  to  adopt  a 
desperate  expedient  such  as  is  happih’  unknown  in 
civilised  warfare.  Within  a short  distance  of  the  city 
walls  flows  the  sluggish  stream  of  the  Yellow  River 
between  high  banks  which  rise  up  at  a considerable 
elevation  above  the  plain.  All  that  was  necessary  to 
effect  the  ruin  of  the  city  was  to  make  a breach  in  the 
embankment  so  as  to  flood,  as  has  often  happened  in 
the  history  of  the  Empire,  the  neighbouring  districts. 


^ DESPERATE  EXPEDIENT  8 1 

The  breach  was  made,  and  the  water  swept  over  the 
plain  and  into  the  city,  devastating  the  country  and 
destroying  both  Imperialists  and  rebels  alike.  A 
million  people  are  said  to  have  perished  in  this  fearful 
catastrophe,  Li  himself  losing  ten  thousand  men  in 
the  waters.  But  his  object  was  gained,  and  what  Li’s 
soldiers  could  not  effect  the  Yellow  River  accom- 
plished. When  the  breach  was  filled  in  and  the  flood 
had  subsided  the  rebel  banners  floated  on  the  ramparts 
of  the  stronghold. 

Li  now  felt  his  position  to  be  sufficiently  strong  to 
justify  him  in  proclaiming  himself  king,  a title  which 
satisfied  his  ambition  for  one  year.  At  the  end  of 
that  time  his  taste  coming  with  eating  he  took  to  him- 
self the  title  of  Emperor  and  named  the  dynast}’ 
which  he  hoped  to  found,  the  T’ai  Shun.  Further,  in 
imitation  of  the  existing  system  of  government,  he 
appointed  six  Boards  of  office,  and  satisfied  the  crav- 
ings of  his  followers  by  establishing  ranks  of  nobility 
to  which  he  freely  admitted  them. 

Having  thus  placed  himself  on  the  throne  it  only  re- 
mained for  him  to  make  himself  master  of  the  capital, 
and  to  accomplish  this  object  he  undertook  an  adven- 
turous expedition  towards  Peking.  By  the  way  he  cap- 
tured T’aiyuan,  the  capital  of  Shansi,  and  then  led  his 
triumphant  warriors  against  the  stronghold  of  Xingwu. 
This  fortress  was  strongly  garrisoned  and  valiantly 
held,  nor  was  it  taken  until  ten  thousand  of  the 
besiegers  had  licked  the  dust,  and  the  city  had  been 
given  to  the  flames.  The  resistance  which  the 
Chinese  had  here  offered  gave  Li  a pause  which,  how- 
ever, was  of  short  duration.  Unexpectedly,  while 

7 


82 


THE  RISE  OF  THE  MAX C HUS 


musing  on  the  possibilities  of  a retreat,  news  reached 
him  of  the  surrender  of  the  cities  of  Tat’ung  and 
Hsunhwa.  The  road  to  Peking  was  thus  open  to 
him,  and  with  as  little  delay  as  possible  he  presented 
himself  before  the  walls  of  the  capital. 

Numerically  the  garrison  of  Peking  was  quite  large 
enough  to  defend  the  city,  but  it  is  safe  to  assert  that 


MINING  IN  SHANSI. 

no  Chinese  army  is  ever  so  numerous  and  powerful  as 
it  appears  to  be  on  paper.  Even,  however,  with  the 
army  as  it  was,  it  is  possible  that  a stout  defence  might 
have  been  made,  and  that  the  cit\'  might  have  been 
held  until  a relieving  force  had  come  to  the  rescue. 
But  other  influences  were  at  work,  and  the  commander 
of  the  southern  gates,  a man  “ composed  and  framed 


CAPTURE  OF  PEKING 


83 


of  treachery,”  opened  his  gate  to  the  enemy.  A faint- 
hearted defence  of  the  palace  was  made  by  men  who 
were  more  concerned  for  their  own  safety  than  for  the 
preservation  of  the  dynasty,  and  the  Emperor,  instead 
of  placing  himself  at  the  head  of  his  troops,  and  either 
losing  his  life  or  saving  his  throne,  took  to  flight. 
From  the  top  of  a hilbwhich  stands  in  the  northern 
portion  of  the  city,  he  looked  down  upon  a scene  of 
bloodshed  and  conflagration  such  as  is  the  common 
fate  of  captured  cities  in  the  East.  Finding  that 
escape  on  the  northern  side  was  impossible  he  returned 
to  the  city,  hoping  to  find  a way  open  to  him  in  some 
other  direction.  But  the  rebel  forces  on  all  sides 
barred  his  exit.  Thus  confronted  with  difficulty  he 
returned  to  the  hill  and,  having  written  a letter  im- 
ploring the  rebels  to  spare  his  people,  he  hung  himself 
on  a tree.  It  is  a curious  illustration  of  the  Chinese 
reverence  for  a royal  race  that  by  order  of  the  first 
Emperor  of  the  present  dynasty  this  tree  was  loaded 
with  chains  in  token  of  the  crime  it  had  committed  in 
being  instrumental  to  the  death  of  a Son  of  Heaven. 

Li  was  now  in  possession  of  Peking,  and  in 
obedience  to  the  usual  custom  in  such  cases,  the 
magnates  of  the  capital  who  had  survived  the  siege 
presented  themselves  at  Court  to  pay  their  homage  to 
him.  Among  these  was  a certain  \Vu  whose  son,  \\T 
Sankwei,  had  succeeded  Chunghwan  in  the  command 
at  Ningyuan,  and  had  held  that  fortress  with  all  the 
courage  of  his  predecessor.  On  the  approach  of  Li’s 
army  the  Emperor  had  ordered  this  officer  to  march 
to  the  relief  of  the  capital.  While  on  the  way  thither 
news  reached  him  of  the  fall  of  Peking  and  the  death 


84 


THE  RISE  OF  THE  MANCHUS 


of  the  Emperor.  Almost  simultaneously  a messenger 
arrived  bearing  a letter  from  his  father  urging  him  to 
offer  his  submission  to  Li,  and  enforcing  his  entreaties 
by  the  news  that  the  lives  of  himself  and  the  other 
members  of  the  family  at  Peking  depended  on  his 
giving  in  his  allegiance.  At  first  Wu  Sankwei  was 
inclined  to  consent,  but  while  he  was  yet  wavering  the 
messenger  informed  him  of  an  event  which  at  once 
induced  him  to  take  the  opposite  course. 

In  not  a few  instances  in  the  world’s  history  a 
woman  has  changed  the  fates  of  Empires,  and  in 
this  case  a young  slave  girl  was  indirectly  the  cause  of 
the  ultimate  triumph  of  the  present  Manchu  dynasty 
in  China.  Before  he  had  left  Peking  to  take  up  the 
command  of  Ningyuan,  \Vu  Sankwei  had  been  pre- 
sented by  a friend  with  a young  slave  girl  who  added 
great  beauty  to  her  many  virtues.  It  was  possibly 
with  the  thought  of  saving  her  from  the  general  mas- 
sacre which,  as  a Chinaman,  he  knew  would  overtake 
the  inhabitants  of  Peking  if  surrendered  to  Li,  that  at 
the  first  summons  he  had  marched  with  alacrity  to 
the  relief  of  the  capital. 

He  now  learnt  from  the  messenger  that  Ch’enyuan, 
as  the  lady  was  called,  had  been  given  as  part  of  the 
spoil  of  the  city  to  a rebel  officer.  After  this  outrage 
submission  to  the  guilty  powers  was  impossible,  arid 
he  obviously  had  no  compliments  to  exchange  with 
the  triumphant  rebel.  In  his  anger  he  wrote  two 
notable  letters,  one  upbraiding  his  father  for  yielding 
the  lady  to  the  embraces  of  a rebel,  and  another  to 
the  regent  of  the  ]\Ianchus,  inviting  him  to  combine 
with  him  in  an  attack  upon  the  new  ruler  of  Peking. 


AN  OUTRAGED  HUSBAND  85 

This  startling  turn  of  events  made  it  incumbent  on  Li 
to  march  against  the  allies.  At  the  approach  of  the 


A MAXCHU  LADY. 

rebel  legions,  \Vu  Sankwei,  who  had  returned  to  the 
fortress  of  Shanhai  Kwan,  made  every  preparation  to 


86 


THE  RISE  OF  THE  MANCHUS 


oppose  the  advancing  host.  Thinking  it  possible 
that  the  sight  of  his  father  might  cause  Wu  Sankwei 
to  relent  and  submit,  Li  ordered  that  the  old  man 
should  be  led  out  within  sight  of  the  walls.  With 
tears  and  entreaties  the  father  implored  his  son  to 
save  his  life  by  submitting.  But  the  recollection  of 
the  slave  girl  at  Peking  was  too  fresh  in  his  memory 
to  allow  him  to  yield,  and  in  a few  words  he  declared 
that  no  power  on  earth  would  induce  him  to  surrender 
his  command  to  rebels,  and  to  rebels  who  had  inflicted 
such  a wrong  upon  him.  The  duty  of  filial  obedience 
is  the  first  moral  law  recognised  by  the  Chinese,  and 
in  any  other  circumstances  Wu  Sankwei.  would 
doubtless  have  submitted.  But  his  affections  out- 
weighed his  sense  of  duty,  and  he  did  not  hesitate  a 
moment  in  virtually  sentencing  his  father  to  death. 
Seeing  that  it  was  hopeless  to  expect  to  win  over  so 
determined  an  enemy,  Li  gave  the  order  for  the 
execution  of  the  elder  Wu,  and  in  the  sight  of  the 
two  contending  armies  the  old  man  suffered  death  by 
decapitation. 

It  was  plain  that  there  was  now  a breach  between 
the  two  commanders  that  nothing  could  bridge  over, 
and  Wu  Sankwei  determined  to  take  what  revenge 
he  could  by  marching  against  the  enemy.  It  is  said 
that  Li’s  force  numbered  220,000  men.  But  nothing 
awed  by  these  huge  battalions,  the  Imperialist  general 
marched  out  from  the  cover  of  the  fortress  and  gave 
battle.  So  fierce  was  the  onslaught  of  the  Im- 
perialists that  the  rebel  cavalry  were  driven  back  on 
their  supports.  These  joined  in  the  engagement, 
and  but  for  the  undaunted  courage  of  Wu  and  his 


A GREAT  BATTLE 


8; 


men  would  certainly  have  overwhelmed  them.  As 
the  day  wore  on  it  became  plain  that  their  ruin  was 
inevitable  had  not  the  Manchu  Regent,  Durgun, 
prepared  a seasonable  relief.  A large  force  of  his 
men  who  had  been  disposed  in  secret  and  difficult 
passes  ill  the  mountains  suddenly  assailed  the  rebels, 
who  were  already  rejoicing  in  the  belief  that  the 
victory  was  won.  This  favourable  change  in  the 
conditions  was  improved  by  the  valour  of  \Vu.  He 
revived  the  courage  of  his  troops,  and  pressed  the 
rebels  on  every  side.  The  Regent’s  manoeuvre  was 
completely  successful.  The  rebels,  taken  by  surprise, 
reeled  under  the  shock  of  the  charge  of  the  Manchu 
cavalry,  and  after  a short  and  half-hearted  stand 
turned  and  fled.  For  fourteen  miles  the  allies 
followed  the  flying  enemy  and  slaughtered  them  in 
hecatombs.  To  Wu  was  assigned  the  duty  of 
following  still  further  in  pursuit,  while  the  Manchu 
Regent  returned  to  Shanhai  Kwan  to  rest  his  troops, 
who  were  already  exhausted  by  their  long  and  hurried 
march  from  Manchuria. 

Li  fled  to  Peking,  where,  having  possessed  himself 
of  everything  valuable  that  was  portable,  and  having 
ordered  the  execution  of  the  family  and  dependents 
of  Wu,  he  set  fire  to  the  Palace  and  continued  his 
flight  westwards.  With  the  dogged  tenacity  of  a 
sleuthhound  Wu  followed  at  his  heels,  and, 
strengthened  by  the  prestige  of  victory,  inflicted  a 
series  of  defeats  on  the  disheartened  rebels.  There 
is  always  a tendency  to  desert  a falling  cause,  and 
more  especially  is  this  true  in  China,  where  success  is 
the  national  test  of  merit.  Li’s  ‘ men  were  now 


88 


THE  RISE  OF  THE  MANCHUS 


suffering  the  dire  consequences  of  an  unsuccessful 
rebellion,  and  they  deserted  his  banners  in  whole 
battalions.  With  but  twenty  followers,  and  destitute 
of  both  food  and  clothing,  the  wretched  band  of 
discomfited  rebels  were  driven  to  supply  their  wants 
by  plundering  the  poverty-stricken  j)easantry  of 
Shensi.  Unfortunately  for  them  their  numbers  were 
insufficient  to  overawe  the  pillaged  rustics,  who, 
seizing  the  implements  of  their  toil,  turned  on  their 
oppressors,  and  cut  them  down  one  by  one.  When 
W^u’s  troops  reached  Li’s  final  halting  place  they 
found  nothing  but  the  bodies  of  the  arch  rebel  and 
his  dwindled  following. 

Meanwhile  the  Regent  Dorgun,  who  held  the  reins 
of  government  for  his  infant  nephew  and  sovereign, 
entered  Peking  in  triumph  (1644).  The  city  was  well- 
nigh  burnt  to  the  ground,  for  Wu  Sankwei’s  beautiful 
slave  girl  had,  like  another  tielen,  fired  another  Troy. 
In  these  circumstances  Dorgun  recognised  that  his 
first  duties,  if  he  was  to  establish  a dynasty,  were  to 
reassure  the  people  by  establishing  order,  and  to 
calm,  so  far  as  possible,  the  proud  susceptibilities  of 
the  upper  classes  by  showing  regard  to  their 
prejudices.  He  therefore  issued  a proclamation 
which  was  more  conspicuous  for  its  policy  than  for 
its  truth.  He  assured  the  people  in  it  that  his  one 
object  in  marching  into  the  capital  was  to  save  them 
from  the  pillage  and  violence  of  the  rebel  Li ; and  he 
urged  them  to  rebuild  the  ruined  city,  promising  to 
protect  their  goods  and  property  against  all  comers. 
At  the  same  time  he  conferred  the  posthumous  title 
of  “ The  sedate  and  heroic  Emperor  ” on  the 


REMOVAL  or  CAPITAL 


89 


Sovereign  who  had  put  an  end  to  his  existence  on 
the  hill  above  Peking.  By  a stroke  of  the  pen  he 


MANCHU  WOMEN  AND  CHILD. 

proclaimed  the  removal  of  the  capital  from  Moukden 
to  Peking,  and  directed  that  his  nephew,  who  was 


90 


THE  RISE  OE  THE  MANCHUS 


then  but  six  years  old,  should  join  him  at  the  latter 
city.  The  revolution  was  now  complete,  and  the 
new  Dynasty  established  which  still  holds  possession 
of  the  throne.  The  young  Emperor  adopted  the 
title  of  Shunchih. 

During  the  reigns  of  the  Ming  Emperors  the 
palace  eunuchs,  as  has  often  happened  in  the  history 
of  the  Empire,  acquired  additional  power  as  the 
hands  which  held  the  reins  of  government  became 
increasingly  nerveless.  The  danger  of  such  a 
shameful  usurpation  of  authority  is  sufficiently 
obvious,  and  was  fully  recognised  by  Dorgun,  who 
issued  an  order  that  henceforth  no  eunuch  should  be 
allowed  to  hold  any  official  office  under  the  crown, 
and  to  the  present  day  this  law  holds  force.  So 
generally  conciliatory,  however,  to  all  ranks  was 
Dorgun’s  attitude  that  the  upper  classes  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  the  capital  readily  gave  in  their 
adhesion  to  his  rule.  So  far  all  was  well,  but  in  the 
Provinces  a very  different  state  of  things  prevailed. 
The  inhabitants  of  the  central  provinces  had  had  no 
knowledge  of  the  exactions  and  cruelties  of  Li  and 
his  confederates,  nor  had  they  experienced  the  relief 
that  had  been  felt  at  Peking  by  the  substitution  of  a 
settled  government  for  a rebel  tyranny.  The  fact 
also  that  for  the  most  part  they  were  free  from  the 
taint  of  Alanchu  blood  naturally  inclined  them  to 
take  a line  against  the  invaders.  Eor  this  last  reason 
it  has  always  been  that  among  the  people  of  the 
South,  the  ]\Iing  Dynasty  has  found  its  strongest 
supporters.  In  modern  times  it  will  be  remembered 
that  the  T’aip’ing  rebellion,  which  had  for  its  proposed 


THE  LAST  THROES  OF  A DYHASTV 


91 


object  the  restoration  of  the  Chinese  rulers,  first  took 
shape  in  Kwangsi,  and  the  very  powerful  secret 
Society,  the  Kolaohwei,  which  has  its  strongest  base 
on  the  shores  of  the  Yang-tsze-kiang,  has  for  its 
motto,  “ overthrow  the  Ch’ing  and  restore  the  Ming.” 
At  this  time  in  the  old  capital  of  the  first  Sovereign 
of  the  Ming  Dynasty,  there  arose  a scholar  Shih 
K’ofa,  who  adopted,  in  principle,  the  motto  of  the 
Kolaohwei,  and  aroused  his  compatriots  in  defence 
of  the  expiring  line  of  Sovereigns.  So  formidable 
was  the  movement  that  the  Regent  Dorgun  thought 
it  wisest  and  best  to  open  negotiations  with  the  rebel. 
But  Shih  declined  to  listen  to  the  appeals  made  to 
him,  and  declared  that  matters  had  reached  such  a 
crisis  that  the  decision  of  their  quarrel  must  be  left 
to  the  arbitrament  of  war.  Meanwhile,  on  the  death 
of  the  Ming  Emperor  Ts’ungcheng,  it  had  become 
necessary  to  elect  a successor  to  the  throne,  and  the 
choice  fell  on  Fu  Wang,  a son  of  the  prince  of  that 
name,  who  had  been  Wan  Li’s  favourite  son,  and  who 
had  returned  the  kindness  shown  him  by  his  father  by 
rebelling  against  him.  A more  unfortunate  choice 
could  not  have  been  made.  For  such  an  emergency 
a Sovereign  was  required  who  should  be  a man 
endowed  with  wisdom,  courage,  and  energ}c  In  all 
these  qualities  Fu  Wang  was  signally  wanting,  and 
he  spent  in  lust  and  riot  time  which  should  hav'e  been 
devoted  to  furthering  his  cause,  and  consolidating 
his  forces.  In  the  campaign  which  followed  on  the 
marching  of  the  IManchu  army  to  suppress  the  rev'olt, 
Fu  Wang  was  rather  an  encumbrance  than  otherwise, 
and  the  whole  conduct  of  the  war  fell  upon  Shih. 


92 


THE  RISE  OF  THE  MAXCHUS 


On  the  lower  waters  of  the  Yang-tsze-kiang,  and 
close  to  the  junction  of  the  Grand  Canal  with  that 


river,  stands  the  ancient  city  of  Yangchow,  which 
commands  the  approach  to  Nanking  from  the  north 


“CAMKL-HACK  ” BRIDGE. 


SAC/iT  OF  VANGCHOW 


93 


Here  Shih  took  his  stand,  and  awaited  the  attack  of 
the  enemy.  Nor  was  this  attack  long  delayed. 
Accustomed  to  lengthened  marches,  and  constant 
fatigues,  the  Manchus  passed  rapidly  over  country 
which  represented  leisurely  marches  to  less  nomadic 
troops,  and  appeared  suddenly  before  the  walls.  For 
seven  days  the  fighting  lasted  around  the  doomed 
city,  and  at  the  end  of  that  time  the  IManchus  rushed 
to  the  assault.  The  exhausted  garrison  failed  to 
withstand  the  terrible  onslaught,  and  in  the  midst  of 
awful  bloodshed  the  city  fell.  The  diary  of  a 
contemporary  inhabitant  of  Yangchow  has  lately 
been  published,  and  from  it  it  is  easy  to  gather  both 
that  the  arrival  of  the  Manchus  before  the  walls  was 
quite  unexpected,  and  that  the  slaughter  of  the 
inhabitants  even  after  the  city  was  taken  was  carried 
out  with  brutal  cruelty  and  thoroughness.  Shih  was 
cut  down  as  he  was  attempting  to  make  his  escape 
by  way  of  the  north  gate,  and  his  troops  were 
slaughtered  almost  to  a man.  Leaving  a garrison 
within  the  walls  the  Manchu  leader  marched  on  to 
Nanking,  where  the  puppet  Fu  Wang  was  indulging 
in  all  the  vices  and  follies  common  to  Oriental 
sovereigns  of  the  baser  sort.  In  the  midst  of  a 
drunken  carouse  the  news  was  brought  him  of  the 
approach  of  the  Manchus.  To  men  of  Imperial 
calibre  such  a juncture  would  have  suggested  that  he 
should  place  himself  at  the  head  of  his  troops  and 
march  against  the  enemy.  But  the  only  idea  which 
occurred  to  Fu  Wang  was  to  fly  from  his  capital, 
leaving  it  a 'prey  to  the  advancing  hosts.  His  flight 
availed  him  nothing,  for  he  was  speedily  overtaken  by 


94 


THE  RISE  OF  THE  MANCHUS 


a mounted  force  sent  in  pursuit,  and  was  brought  a 
prisoner  into  Nanking,  where  after  a short  shrift  he 
was  beheaded. 

For  three  days  Ch’ang  Wang,  who  succeeded 
Fu  Wang,  enjo\’ed  the  empty  title  of  Emperor  and 
held  court  for  that  brief  period  at  Hangchow.  But 
the  valour  of  the  early  Ming  Sovereigns  had  long 
exhausted  itself,  and  instead  of  attempting  to  defend 
the  city  he  opened  the  gates  to  the  enemy  on  the 
understanding  that  they  should  spare  the  lives  of 
himself  and  of  the  inhabitants.  Oriental  leaders  are 
bad  people  to  treat  with  in  such  emergencies,  and 
though  in  this  case  the  people  were  left  unmolested, 
the  first  act  of  the  Manchu  leader  was  to  order  the 
execution  of  the  occupier  of  the  Ming  throne.  The 
next  to  assume  the  Imperial  purple  was  T’angWang, 
a descendant  of  Hungwu,  the  first  Sovereign  of  the 
Ming  Dynasty.  Though  this  man  showed  more  of 
the  royal  spirit  than  his  immediate  predecessors  had 
done,  all  his  efforts  to  oppose  the  Manchus  proved 
fruitless,  and  the  whole  of  the  rich  and  fertile  district 
embracing  the  cities  of  Xingpo,  Shanghai,  Wenchow, 
and  T’aichow  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  invaders.  x\t 
Tingchow  T’ang  Wang  was  captured,  and  there  the 
usual  fate  of  defeated  sovereigns  overtook  him. 

But  though  defeated  everywhere  on  land,  hopes 
were  still  entertained  that  the  immense  fleet  com- 
manded by  Cheng  Chihlung  might  yet  turn  the 
tide  of  war.  Admiral  Cheng  was  a native  of  the 
maritime  Province  of  Fuhkien,  and  had  in  early  life 
come  under  the  influence  of  the  Roman  Catholic 
missionaries  who  laboured  in  the  cause  of  their  faith 


A PIRATE 


95 


in  that  province.  Being  of  a restless  disposition  and 
probably  attracted  by  his  Portuguese  fathers  in  God, 
he  migrated  to  Macao  and  thence  drifted  to  Manila, 
and  subsequently  to  Japan.  Like  most  foreign 
visitors  to  Japan  he  fell  under  the  charm  of  the 
women  of  that  country,  and  eventually  took  one  to 
wife  by  whom  a son  was  born,  who  was  named  Cheng 
Kung.  Cheng’s  early  years  had  been  passed  in 
poverty,  and,  following  the  instincts  of  his  race,  his 
one  absorbing  desire  was  to  court  the  god  of  wealth. 
When,  therefore,  an  opportunity  presented  itself  for 
laying  the  foundation  of  an  enormous  fortune,  which, 
however,  any  honourable  man  would  have  disre- 
garded, he  seized  on  it  without  a scruple.  PIa\  ing 
wormed  himself  into  the  good  graces  of  a Japanese 
merchant  he  induced  his  emploj^er  to  entrust  him 
with  a rich  cargo  for  the  China  markets.  On  arriv- 
ing at  Foochow  he,  without  the  slightest  compunc- 
tion, appropriated  the  cargo,  and  with  the  proceeds 
fitted  out  a fleet  of  piratical  junks,  with  which  he 
harried  the  coast  and  plundered  the  merchant  ship- 
ping. So  successful  was  he  in  these  enterprises  that 
he  quickly  amassed  colossal  wealth,  and  with  it 
gained  considerable  power  and  importance.  Follow- 
ing a time-honoured  precedent,  the  PLnperor,  fearing 
to  combat  him,  made  overtures  to  the  successful 
pirate,  on  whom,  at  his  submission  to  the  throne,  he 
conferred  the  rank  of  Admiral.  With  honeyed  words 
the  new  commander  was  invited  to  Peking,  and  once 
there  was  placed  in  the  position  of  a state  prisoner. 
So  long  as  the  Emperor  Shunchih  reigned  he  was 
allowed  to  live  at  ease  within  the  city  walls,  for  the 


g6  THE  RISE  OF  THE  MAXCHUS 

Emperor,  like  another  David,  had  promised  that  no 
harm  should  befall  him  while  under  his  protection. 
But  whether  with  or  without  the  treacherous  message 


addressed  to  Solomon  with  which  David  sealed 
Joab’s  fate,  the  Emperor  had  no  sooner  become  a 
guest  on  high  than  the  Regents  appointed  during  the 


DECAPITATION. 


KOXINGA 


97 


minority  of  his  successor,  threw  the  late  pirate  into 
prison,  and  eventually  sent  him  to  the  execution 
ground.  The  son  born  to  Cheng  by  his  Japanese  wife 
had  at  an  early  period  attracted  the  attention  of  the 
Emperor.  At  the  extraordinarily  youthful  age  of 
fifteen  this  scion  of  the  pirate  took  his  degree  at  the 
competitive  examinations,  and  as  a reward  for  his 
eminent  ability  the  Emperor  conferred  on  him  his 
own  surname  of  Chu,  and  further  honoured  him  by 
expressing  a regret  that  he  had  no  daughter  to 
bestow  upon  him  in  marriage. 

From  the  circumstance  of  his  having  received  the 
Imperial  surname  he  was  designated  Kwosingye 
(“Possessor  of  the  National  Surname”),  which  has 
been  corrupted  by  foreigners  into  Koxinga.  When 
Admiral  Cheng  was  invited  to  Peking  the  Emperor 
hoped  that  Koxinga  would  have  accompanied  him. 
But  the  young  man  feared  the  Imperial  messengers 
with  their  gifts,  and  instead  of  journeying  with  his 
father  northwards,  carried  off  a fleet  which  he  had 
collected  and  sailed  to  the  Pescadores,  where  he  forti- 
fied himself  against  all  comers. 

Meanwhile  the  rebellion  in  the  provinces  continued 
with  varying  success.  At  one  time  Kwei  Wang,  who 
had  succeeded  to  the  Ming  throne  on  the  death  of 
T’ang  Wang,  appeared  to  be  gaining  ground.  In 
Kiangsi  and  Kwangtung  his  generals  were  victorious, 
and  the  great  prize  of  Canton  fell  into  his  hands. 
But  once  more  the  tide  turned,  and  the  people  of  the 
provinces  and  cities  had  scarcely  yet  learned  to 
pronounce  again  the  shibboleth  of  the  Ming  Dynasty 
when  such  of  them  as  survived  again  passed  under 

8 


98 


THE  RISE  OF  THE  MANCHUS 


the  Manchu  rule.  On  the  recapture  of  Canton, 
Koxinga,  who  had  favoured  the  Ming  cause  in  so 
far  as  it  chimed  in  with  his  piratical  instincts,  gave 
refuge  on  board  his  ships  to  the  fugitive  population. 
With  an  immense  force  he  subsequently  attacked  the 
Tartar  detachments  on  the  coast  of  Fuhkien,  and 
gained  considerable  advantages  over  them.  He  then 
proceeded  northwards,  and  even  ventured  to  under- 
take the  siege  of  Nanking.  This,  however,  was  a 
venture  beyond  his  power,  and  while,  as  it  is  said, 
his  troops  were  revelling  in  anticipation  of  the  assault 
on  the  city,  which  they  were  to  have  made  on  the 
following  morning,  the  Manchu  leader  delivered  an 
attack  which  utterly  discomfited  Koxinga’s  host. 
Three  thousand  men  of  the  besieging  army  were 
slain,  and  Koxinga,  with  the  remnants  of  his  fleet 
and  army,  sailed  to  the  more  congenial  regions  of  the 
south.  The  IManchus  have  never  been  good  sailors. 
To  them  the  sea  is  a foreign  element,  and  so  long  as 
there  was  an  effective  Chinese  fleet  they  were  always 
subject  to  disaster  on  the  coast.  In  other  parts  of 
the  Empire  victory  followed  their  standards,  and 
Kwei  Wang’s  fortunes  reached  their  lowest  ebb. 

We  have  seen  how  Wu  Sankwei  followed  the  flying 
footsteps  of  the  rebel  Li  until  he  ran  him  to  earth, 
and  now  with  the  same  ruthless  tenacity  he  chased 
Kwei  Wang  through  the  Provinces  of  Kweichow  and 
Yunnan,  and  even  over  the  border  into  Burma.  On 
arriving  at  the  Burmese  capital  the  Imperial  fugitive 
had  been  hospitably  received  by  the  King,  who,  how- 
ever, at  the  sight  of  Wu  Sankwei’s  large  and  threaten- 
ing army,  thought  it  wise  to  forego  the  pleasure  of 


DEATH  OF  KWEI  WANG 


99 


hospitality.  He  therefore  handed  his  guest  over  to 
the  Chinese  general,  in  whose  custody  he,  either  by 


A MANCHURIAN  LANDSCAPE. 


his  own  hands  or  by  those  of  executioners,  met  his 
fate.  Hitherto  the  fortunes  of  the  Manchus  had  been 


lOO 


THE  RISE  OF  THE  MANCHUS 


guided  by  the  Regent  Dorgun,  but  about  this  time 
the  young  Emperor  was  by  an  adverse  fate  deprived 
of  his  counsel.  During  a hunting  expedition  which 
he  had  undertaken  into  Manchuria  death  overtook 
him,  much  to  the  grief  of  the  youthful  sovereign,  who 
granted  him  an  Imperial  funeral,  and  eulogised  his 
virtues  in  an  Imperial  edict.  But  while  the  memory 
of  his  services  were  yet  green,  a charge  of  intended 
rebellion  was  brought  against  him.  Inquiries,  the 
value  of  which  may  fairly  be  doubted,  having  proved 
to  the  satisfaction  of  the  boy  Emperor  that  this 
charge  was  well  founded,  the  honours  which  had 
been  conferred  upon  him  were  cancelled  and  his 
name  consigned  to  oblivion.  It  is  evidence  of  the 
supremacy  which  the  Manchus  had  acquired  at  this 
time  (1664)  that  two  European  embassies  arrived  at 
Peking  with  the  design  of  opening  diplomatic  rela- 
tions with  Shunchih.  Though  they  came  by  different 
routes — the  Dutchman  by  sea  and  the  Russians  over- 
land through  Siberia — the  reception  which  they  met 
with  was  the  same,  and  was  not  such  as  to  encourage 
others  to  follow  in  their  footsteps.  As  a preliminary 
they  were  told  that  on  entering  the  presence  of  the 
Emperor  they  would  be  expected  to  “ k’ot’ow.”  The 
Dutchman  yielded,  and  got  very  little  for  his  pains. 
After  lengthy  negotiations  and  a liberal  distribution 
of  presents  the  Imperial  answer  to  his  petition  was 
couched  in  these  words:  “You  have  asked  leave  to 
come  to  trade  in  my  country,  but  as  your  country  is 
so  far  distant,  and  the  winds  on  the  east  coast  so 
boisterous  and  so  dangerous  to  your  ships,  if  you  do 
think  fit  to  send  hither  I desire  it  may  be  but  once 


A REBUFF  TO  RUSSIA 


lOI 


ev’ery  eight  years,  and  no  more  than  one  hundred 
men  in  a company,  twenty  of  whom  may  come  up  to 
the  place  where  I keep  my  court.”  The  Russians,  as 
a reward  for  their  contumacy,  were  not  even  granted 
these  doubtful  privileges,  but  were  dismissed  no  richer 
than  they  came,  and  returned  by  Siberia  to  report 
their  failure  to  the  Czar.  These  were  the  first  Euro- 
pean embassies  which  reached  Peking  (1656),  and 
their  receptions  taught  lessons  which  happily  were 
not  altogether  lost  upon  their  successors.  While 
affairs  were  thus  settling  down  in  the  Empire 
Koxinga  was  pursuing  his  piratical  course  with  vary- 
ing success.  That  he  harried  the  coast  is  conclusively 
proved  from  the  fact  that  the  Emperor  thought  it 
necessary  to  issue  an  edict  commanding  the  natives 
of  the  littoral  provinces  to  retire  four  leagues  inland 
— a command  which,  strange  to  say,  was  strictly 
enforced. 

It  was  while  the  Empire  was  in  this  unsettled  state 
that  the  Emperor  Shunchih  was  gathered  to  his 
fathers  (1661)  after  a reign  of  eighteen  years.  Before 
his  death  he  nominated  his  second  son  as  heir  to 
the  throne.  No  choice  could  have  been  happier. 
K’anghsi  was  in  every  way  qualified  to  rule.  From 
his  youth  up,  as  it  proved,  he  was  straightforward, 
honest,  and  of  good  report,  and  after  a reign  of 
sixty-one  years,  during  which  time  he  ruled  his 
subjects  with  firmness  and  justice,  he  died  regretted 
by  all.  He  was  only  eight  }'ears  old  when  he 
ascended  the  throne,  and  his  earlier  years  of  sove- 
reignty were  guided  by  the  advice  of  four  Regents 
appointed  by  his  father.  After  the  death  of  Kwei 


102 


THE  RISE  OF  THE  MAXCHUS 


Wang  the  most  important  rebellious  force  in  the 
Empire  with  which  the  Regents  had  to  contend  was 
that  commanded  by  Koxinga,  and  they  at  once  took 
steps  to  crush  their  dangerous  opponent.  In  1663  a 
Chinese  fleet,  in  conjunction  with  some  Dutch  ships, 
whose  co-operation  had  been  secured,  attacked  the 
pirate  in  his  haunts  at  Amoy.  Victory  attended  the 
allies,  and  Koxinga,  finding  it  no  longer  possible  to 
retain  his  hold  on  the  mainland,  took  ship  to  Formosa, 
where  he  established  himself  as  king,  and  where  he 
subsequently  died  in  a fit  of  madness.  The  Empire 
may  now  be  said  to  have  reached  a time  of  peace, 
a formidable  rebellion  which  had  broken  out  in 
Szech’uan  having  previously  collapsed.  This  move- 
ment furnishes  so  apt  an  illustration  of  the  fiendish 
cruelty  which  too  often  governs  the  action  of 
Orientals  when  fighting  for  a failing  cause,  that  it 
deserves  mention.  Being  anxious  to  secure  the 
support  of  the  learned  for  his  enterprise,  Hsi  Wang, 
the  rebel  chief,  induced  thirty  thousand  Literati  of  the 
province  to  take  up  their  residence  at  his  capital  at 
Chengtu.  On  some  slight  provocation  the  tyrant 
ordered  the  slaughter  of  every  one  of  these  Confu- 
cianists,  and  subsequently  massacred  six  hundred 
thousand  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  city  on  the  bare 
suspicion  that  they  were  disaffected  towards  him. 
But  his  culminating  crime  was  yet  to  come.  As 
is  the  case  with  most  rebel  armies,  his  enormous 
forces  had  been  kept  together  by  the  prospect  of 
the  plunder  to  which  he  had  hitherto  been  able  to 
lead  them,  and  among  the  spoils  taken  from  the 
conquered  districts  had  been  immense  numbers  of 


A SLAUGHTER  OF  WOMEN  IO3 

women  and  girls,  several  of  whom  had  been  given 
as  prizes  to  each  of  the  soldiers.  In  the  easy  tim.es 
of  success  the  existence  of  these  camp  followers, 
though  burdensome,  was  readily  sanctioned,  but  in 
the  face  of  danger  and  difficulty,  of  rapid  move- 
ments, and  of  fierce  attacks,  their  presence  was 
plainly  inconsistent  with  the  efficiency  of  the  army. 
Hsi  Wang  felt  therefore  that  they  were  to  be  got 
rid  of,  and  he  knew  of  only  one  way  of  accom- 
plishing his  object.  In  pursuance  of  it  he  issued 
an  edict  commanding  every  soldier  to  bring  his 
women  on  to  the  parade  ground  at  a certain  hour, 
and  then  at  a given  signal  the  tyrant  himself  set  the 
example  which  he  desired  should  be  followed,  by 
slaying  his  handmaids  with  his  own  hands.  It  is 
said  that  on  that  day  four  hundred  thousand  women 
were  slaughtered.  In  dealing  with  such  facts  it  is 
fortunate  that  we  are  not  bound  to  accept  the  figures 
mentioned  as  being  accurate.  Orientals  delight  in 
round  numbers,  and  it  should  in  fairness  be  remem- 
bered that  the  accounts  we  have  of  these  transactions 
come  from  the  pens  of  Imperialist  chroniclers,  who 
certainly  would  not  be  inclined  to  understate  the 
crimes  of  their  opponents. 

The  position  of  a Regent  in  an  Oriental  country 
is  one  which  is  always  surrounded  with  difficulties. 
Every  act  is  liable  to  be  misconstrued,  and  every 
mistake  is  apt  to  be  visited  with  undue  censure. 
If  this  is  the  case  when  one  Regent  holds  the  reins 
of  power,  it  is  easy  to  see  that  when  four  co-equal 
potentates  reign  supreme,  there  must  inevitably  be 
abundant  opportunities  for  jealousies  and  heart 


104 


THE  RISE  OF  THE  MAXCHUS 


burnings.  Such  was  eminently  the  case  at  the 
present  time,  and  to  such  lengths  did  the  conse- 
quent disagreements  go,  that  the  Emperor  by  a 
stroke  of  his  pen  dissolved  the  Regency  and  assumed 
the  government  (1667).  To  no  section  of  the  com- 
munity was  this  change  more  welcome  than  to  the 
Roman  Catholic  missionaries  and  their  converts. 
During  the  reign  of  Shunchih  every  consideration 
had  been  paid  them,  and  high  honours  had  been 
conferred  on  their  most  eminent  member,  Pere 
Schaal,  who  had  even  held  the  lofty  and  responsible 
post  of  tutor  to  the  young  Emperor.  Xo  sooner, 
however,  were  Shunchih’s  eyes  sealed  in  death  than 
the  Regents,  who,  in  the  true  spirit  of  Chinese 
conservatism,  had  cherished  a bitter  resentment  at 
the  favour  which  had  been  shown  to  the  foreigners 
and  their  faith,  threw  Schaal  into  prison  under  one  of 
those  charges  which  are  so  easily  trumped  up  against 
unpopular  personages  in  eastern  countries,  and 
sentenced  him  to  death  by  LingcJiih,  or  the  slow 
and  lingering  process.  Fortunately  even  the  Regents 
were  wise  enough  to  abstain  from  putting  this  cruel 
sentence  into  execution,  and  Schaal  was  left  in  prison 
until  death  released  him  in  the  seventy-eighth  year 
of  his  age. 

Unfortunately  this  consummation  was  reached 
before  K’anghsi  began  to  rule.  But  no  sooner  had 
he  taken  the  reins  than  he  did  all  in  his  power  to 
redress  the  balance  which  had  of  late  been  so  unfairly 
turned  against  the  rhissionaries.  It  is  curious  to  see, 
however,  how  strong  the  opposition  was  to  any 
extension  of  privileges  to  that  body.  The  half- 


k’anghsi's  tolerance 


fo5 

hearted  measures  of  relief  accorded  to  them  by 
K’anghsi  sufficiently  mark  the  difficulties  with 
which  he  had  to  contend.  He  issued  an  Imperial 
edict  granting  leave  to  the  missionaries  who  had 
been  driven  into  hiding  by  the  Regents,  to  return 
to  their  churches,  but  forbade  them  to  proselytise. 
“As  we  do  not  restrain  the  Lamas  of  Tartary,”  so 
ran  the  edict,  “ or  the  bonzes  of  China,  from  building 
temples  and  burning  incense,  we  cannot  refuse  these 
having  their  own  churches,  and  publicly  teaching 
their  religion,  especially  as  nothing  has  been  alleged 
against  it  as  contrary  to  law.  Were  we  not  to  do 
this  we  should  contradict  ourselves.  We  hold  there- 
fore that  they  may  build  temples  to  the  Lord  of 
Heaven  and  maintain  them  wherever  they  will  ; and 
that  those  who  honour  them  may  freely  resort  to  them 
to  burn  incense  and  to  observe  the  rites  usual  to 
Christianity.” 

Meanwhile  Pere  Verbiest,  a Dutch  priest,  had 
succeeded  Pere  Schaal  at  Peking.  The  young 
Emperor,  who  was  greatly  interested  in  philosophy 
and  science,  and  who  had  found  the  Father  proficient 
in  both  subjects,  appointed  him  his  tutor,  and  listened 
with  eager  attention  to  his  discourses  on  the  intricate 
subjects  of  Christianity  and  philosophy.  It  so 
happened  that  at  this  time  doubts  arose  as  to  the 
accuracy  of  the  Calendar  issued  by  the  Astronomical 
Board.  In  this  difficulty  the  Emperor  turned  to 
Pere  Verbiest,  who  demonstrated  to  his  Majesty’s 
complete  satisfaction  that  an  egregious  mistake  had 
been  made  by  the  native  astronomers.  As  a reward 
for  his  knowledge  and  sagacity  the  Emperor  made 


io6 


THE  RISE  OF  THE  MANCHUS 


the  priest  President  of  the  Board,  and  dismissed  the 
native  Presidents  from  their  offices,  at  the  same  time 
commanding  the  new  President  to  issue  a revised 
Calendar.  The  disgraced  officials,  fearful  lest  their 
ignorance  should  be  made  public  throughout  the 
Empire,  begged  Verbiest  not  to  expose  the  mistake 
into  which  they  had  fallen.  He,  however,  refused  to 
listen  to  their  pleadings,  and  possibly  with  a self- 
righteous  satisfaction  at  the  consciousness  that  he 
was  right  and  that  they  were  wrong,  refused  in 
any  way  to  blink  their  error.  The  wisdom  of  this 
course  was  open  to  doubt,  and  in  the  persecutions 
that  followed  it  may  well  be  imagined  that  a recollec- 
tion of  this  passage  of  arms  may  have  added  virulence 
to  the  aspersions  of  the  Litcj'ati. 

During  the  campaign  against  the  Ming  rebels 
which  had  ended  in  consolidating  the  Imperial  power 
it  had  been  deemed  wise  to  confer  the  rank  of  Prince 
on  the  three  generals  who  had  contributed  most  to 
the  success  of  the  cause.  The  leader  of  these  three 
was  the  redoubtable  Wu  Sankwei  who  by  virtue  of 
his  office  was  practically  in  possession  of  the  provinces 
of  Kweichow  and  Yunnan.  The  other  two  Viceroys 
presided  over  the  destinies  of  Kwangtung  and 
Kwangsi ; and  of  Fuhkien  and  Chehkiang.  All 
these  three  were  Chinamen,  and,  therefore,  were 
not  bound  by  racial  ties  to  the  new  dynasty.  Their 
careers,  also,  had  not  displayed  any  fixed  loyalty  to 
any  given  cause,  and  K’anghsi  felt  that  it  was  dangerous 
to  leave  them  in  undisputed  possession  of  their  vice- 
royalties. Of  the  three  he  had  reason  to  dread  Wu 
Sankwei  the  most,  both  from  his  character  and  from 


WU  SANK  WEI  INVITED  TO  PEKING 


107 


the  influence  which  he  wielded,  and  though  he  held 
Wu’s  son  as  a hostage  for  his  father’s  loyalty,  he 
deemed  it  only  prudent  to  put  the  vdews  of  the  veteran 
to  the  test.  It  has  always  been  usual  for  high 

dignitaries  to  visit  the  Court  at  varying  intervals, 
and  there  was  nothing  unusual,  therefore,  in  the 
summons  which  K’anghsi  issued  inviting  \Vu  to 
present  himself  at  the  capital.  But  the  younger 
Wu,  who  was  connected  by  marriage  with  the  Court, 
being  aware  of  the  course  which  the  Imperial 
suspicions  were  taking,  despatched  a messenger  to 
his  father  warning  him  not  to  accept  the  invita- 
tion. Acting  on  this  hint,  Wu  pleaded  old  age  and 
begged  the  Emperor  to  excuse  his  undertaking  such 
a long  journey.  This  implied  refusal  confirmed  the 
Emperor’s  suspicions,  but  being  unwilling  imme- 
diately to  driv^e  so  powerful  a man  into  open 
enmity,  he  commissioned  officials  to  inquire  whether 
decrepitude  really  debarred  Wu  from  presenting 
himself  at  Peking.  Wu  received  these  by  no  means 
welcome  visitors  with  a show  of  cordialit}',  but  when 
they  broached  the  real  o'bject  of  their  visit  and  urged 
him  to  comply  with  the  Emperor’s  desire,  he  felt  that 
it  was  time  to  speak  plainly.  “ Yes,  I will  come  to 
Peking,”  he  said,  “ but  it  will  be  at  the  head  of  eighty 
thousand  soldiers.” 

This  declaration  made  further  negotiations  un- 
necessary, and  the  envoys  returned  to  Peking  to 
report  their  want  of  success.  Meanwhile,  Wu 
Sankwei  raised  the  standard  of  rebellion,  and  pro- 
ceeded to  form  a separate  State  of  the  provinces 
under  his  control.  He  had  on  a former  occasion 


io8 


THE  RISE  OF  THE  MANCHUS 


sacrificed  his  father  to  his  political  leanings,  and  now 
his  action  was  destined  to  send  his  son  to  the  exe- 
cution ground.  The  historians  tell  us  that  the 
}’ounger  \Vu  had  embarked  in  a plot  to  murder  the 
Emperor  and  his  surroundings.  This  possibly  may 
have  been  so,  for  Oriental  courts  are  fit  scenes  for 
“ treasons,  stratagems,  and  spoils,”  but  the  reported 
crime  so  closely  synchronises  with  his  father’s  rebel- 
lion, that  there  appears  to  be  a likelihood  that  the 
charge,  if  ever  preferred,  was  trumped  up  to  justify  the 
extreme  measures  which  the  Emperor  took  against  him. 

The  news  of  the  death  of  his  son  added  intensity 
to  Wu  Sankwei’s  hatred  of  the  usurping  dynasty,  and 
in  1674  he  killed  the  Governor  of  Yunnan,  and  virtu- 
ally conquered  that  province  together  with  Kwei- 
chow, Szech’uan,  and  Hunan.  Being  still  willing, 
however,  to  arrive  at  a peaceable  solution  K’anghsi 
once  more  attempted  to  open  negotiations  with  him, 
but  the  veteran  was  irreconcileable,  and  so  potent 
was  his  influence  that  his  two  fellow  princes  threw  in 
their  lot  with  his,  and  thus  the  whole  of  the  west  and 
south  of  China  were  in  arms  against  the  Manchus. 
To  add  to  the  complexity  of  the  position  an  outbreak 
occurred  within  the  walls  of  Peking,  and  at  the  same 
time  the  ^Mongol  chieftain,  Satchar,  threatened  the 
northern  frontier  with  a hundred  thousand  men.  The 
emergency  was  one  which  may  well  have  tried  the 
stoutest  courage.  But  K’anghsi  was  equal  to  the 
occasion.  By  the  aid  of  troops  drawn  from  the 
Liaotung  peninsula  he  crushed  the  Mongol  move- 
ment, and  brought  Satchar  with  his  family  as 
prisoners  to  Peking.  Having  thus  disposed  of  the 


IMPERIA L BARBA RITIES 


109 


difficulty  in  his  rear  he  marched  his  armies  against 
the  southern  rebels.  Success  attended  his  arms. 
The  provinces  of  Fuhkien  and  Chehkiang  were 
recovered  without  striking  a blow  by  the  submis- 
sion of  the  Viceroy,  and  Wu  was  driven  out  of 
Hunan  and  Szech’uan.  To  inspire  his  troops  with 
zeal  K’anghsi  proposed  to  place  himself  at  their  head, 
and  while  preparing  to  leave  Peking  for  the  front  the 
welcome  news  reached  him  of  the  death  of  \Vu 
(1678).  With  the  disappearance  from  the  political 
stage  of  this  veteran,  the  back  of  the  rebellion  may 
be  said  to  have  been  broken.  Wu’s  grandson  who 
succeeded  to  the  command,  though  brave,  failed  to 
preserve  the  frontiers  committed  to  him.  By  the 
relentless  and  persistent  Manchu  he  was  driven  from 
city  to  city,  until  he  reached  Yunnan  Fu,  where  he 
made  his  last  stand.  The  city,  however,  was  taken, 
and  to  avoid  submitting  to  the  tender  mercies  of  the 
Imperialists  the  rebel  chief  committed  suicide.  With 
Oriental  barbarity  the  Manchu  leader  beheaded  the 
lifeless  corpse,  and  sent  the  head  as  a trophy  to 
Peking  ; but  even  this  did  not  satisfy  his  cruel 
humour.  With  an  excess  of  brutality  he  disinterred 
the  body  of  Wu  Sankwei,  and  so  scattered  the  bones 
over  the  provinces  which  had  owned  his  sway  in  life, 
that  no  one  should  be  able  to  say  “ this  is  Wu  San- 
kwei.” The  year  in  which  these  events  took  place 
had  .been  a distressful  one  to  China.  As  if  in 
sympathy  with  the  disturbed  political  conditions  an 
earthquake  shook  the  foundations  of  Peking,  and 
destroyed  three  hundred  thousand  within  the  city 
and  neighbourhood. 


no 


THE  RISE  OF  THE  MARCH  US 


Peace,  however,  having  been  once  more  restored 
within  the  “ eighteen  provinces  ” K’anghsi  had  an 
opportunity  of  attacking  Koxinga’s  successor  who 
held  a rebellious  sway  in  the  Pescadores  and  For- 
mosa. At  the  head  of  three  hundred  ships  contain- 
ing twelve  thousand  men  the  Manchu  commander 
sailed  to  attack  the  island  fastnesses  of  the  rebels  in 
the  first-named  group.  With  this  imposing  force  he 
adx'anced  to  the  attack,  but  was  met  by  a determined 
resistance  on  the  part  of  the  pirates.  The  battle 
lasted  all  day,  and  at  the  close  the  Manchus  were 
completely  successful.  Twelve  thousand  rebels  are 
said  to  have  been  slain,  and  the  majority  of  the 
survivors  taking  ship  fled  to  Formosa.  Thither  the 
Manchus  followed  them,  but  their  ships  being  of 
considerable  draught  they  were,  at  first,  unable  to 
approach  the  shore.  An  unusually  high  spring  tide, 
however,  carried  the  vessels  over  the  shallows  in  pre- 
cisely the  same  wa\^  as  that,  remembered  by  the 
rebels,  in  which  Koxinga’s  ships  had  been  brought 
within  striking  distance  of  the  shore.  The  similarity 
of  the  two  incidents  deeply  impressed  the  super- 
stitious natives,  who,  readily  accepting  the  superficial 
belief  that  the  increased  depth  of  water  was  due 
entirely  to  the  interposition  of  providence,  submitted 
without  a struggle  to  the  invaders.  Koxinga’s  son 
was  sent  to  Peking,  where  the  Emperor  varied  the 
usual  practice  of  decapitation  by  creating  him  a 
Duke,  and,  at  the  same  time,  lavished  honours  on 
the  victors  in  the  fray. 

The  wide  extent  of  the  Chinese  Empire,  and  the 
number  of  peoples  who  are  actually,  or  theoretically, 


TARTAR  IRRUPTIONS  III 

subject  to  Peking,  enforce  on  the  country  an  almost 
chronic  state  of  war.  On  the  north  and  west  the 
Empire  is  bounded  by  mountain  ranges  which  are 
inhabited  by  hardy  and  warlike  tribes,  to  whom  the 
Empire’s  difficulty  is  their  opportunity.  And  thus  it 
was  not,  probably,  a surprise  to  K’anghsi  to  receive 
news  of  hostilities  on  his  northern  frontier,  while  yet 
he  was  crowning  with  laurels  the  generals  who  had 
vanquished  Wu  Sankwei,  and  had  recovered  For- 
mosa. It  had  always  been  difficult  to  trace  the 
beginning  of  the  many  tribal  wars  outside  the 
northern  marches,  and  Central  Asia  had  been  so 
long  and  completely  shrouded  from  observance  that, 
at  this  time,  little  was  known  at  Peking  of  the  pro- 
gress of  events  beyond  the  Great  Wall.  The  first 
intimation  which  reached  K’anghsi  that  mischief  was 
brewing  was  the  irruption  across  the  frontier  of 
bodies  of  Khalka  Tartars  into  Chinese  territory. 
These  men  brought  news  that  the  Eleuths,  a 

Kalmuck  tribe  occupying  a territory  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Hi,  had  declared  war  against  their 
countrymen  who,  as  they  took  pains  to  remind 
K’anghsi,  owned  allegiance  to  China.  This  was 
practically  a declaration  of  war  against  the  Middle 
Kingdom,  but  Galdan,  the  chief  of  the  Eleuths,  was 
not  unnaturally  anxious  to  enjoy  the  advantage  of 
peace  with  China  while  he  fought  with  his  Tartar 

neighbours.  He  therefore  sent  ambassadors  to 

Peking,  who  reached  the  capital  just  at  the  time 
when  Wu  Sankwei’s  rebellion  was  absorbing 

K’anghsi’s  attention.  So  disastrous  at  this  crisis 
appeared  to  be  the  state  of  the  Empire  that  the 


1 12 


THE  RISE  OF  THE  MANCHUS 


envoys  were  induced  to  suppose  and  to  expect,  that, 
as  had  been  the  case  in  many  other  royal  lines,  the 
Ch’ing  Dynasty  was  tottering  to  its  fall.  Galdan 
therefore  carried  on  his  invasion  of  the  Khalka 
country  free  from  any  dread  of  reprisals  from  the 
suzerain  State. 

At  this  juncture  a new  power  appeared  on  the 
banks  of  the  Amur  river.  With  that  steady  step 
which  is  characteristic  of  the  Russians,  they  had  been 
gradually  extending  their  frontier  eastward,  and  had 
erected  fortifications  and  entrenchments  at  Albazin 
on  the  upper  course  of  the  Amur.  Galdan  recog- 
nising the  superior  weapons  and  organisation  of  the 
Europeans,  offered  them  an  alliance  which  he  was 
quickwitted  enough  to  see  would  impart  strength  to 
his  ambitious  designs  against  China.  Rumours  of 
these  intrigues  having  reached  Peking,  K’anghsi 
despatched  envoys  to  the  Khalka  country,  and  sent 
with  them  tli2  two  Jesuit  missionaries,  Gerbillon  and 
Pereira.  These  men  had  won  the  confidence  of  the 
Emperor  by  their  straightforward  conduct  and  scien- 
tific knowledge,  and  had  secured  his  gratitude  by,  on 
one  occasion,  curing  him  of  a severe  attack  of  fever 
by  the  use  of  quinine.  They  possessed  also  the 
unusual  qualification  of  a knowledge  of  both  his 
Mongolian  and  Russian  languages. 

The  accounts  which  these  envoys  brought  back 
made  it  plain  to  K’anghsi  that  if  he  was  to  maintain 
his  hold  over  the  Khalka  country,  and  check  the 
advance  of  the  Russians,  who  showed  a decided 
tendency  to  encroach  on  the  fertile  lands  south  of 
the  Amur  river,  it  would  be  necessary  for  him  to 


DEFEAT  OF  THE  RUSSIANS  II3 

send  a force  to  overawe  the  Tartars  and  to  drive  the 
European  invaders  across  the  frontier.  It  may  well 
be  supposed  that  the  Russians  felt  themselves  secure 
from  an  attack  in  a region  so  remote  from  Peking, 
and  doubtless  their  surprise  was  great  when  they 
found  a Chinese  army  advancing  against  them. 
Though  behind  entrenchments  and  in  possession  of 
superior  weapons,  they  were  unable  to  withstand  the 
attack  of  K’anghsi’s  hordes.  Their  fortifications  were 
demolished,  and  those  of  the  garrison  who  survived 
were  taken  prisoners  and  were  marched  to  Peking, 
where  a small  quarter  in  the  northern  part  of  the  city 
was  appropriated  to  their  use.  The  descendants  of 
these  men,  who  for  the  most  part  married  Chinese 
wives  and  settled  down  as  citizens  of  the  capital,  still 
occupy  the  same  streets  and  houses  as  their  ancestors 
did  in  the  seventeenth  century,  and  even  now  among 
them  a European  type  of  face  is  sometimes  to  be 
noticed,  though  the  large  mixture  of  Chinese  blood 
which  must  necessarily  run  through  their  veins  may 
well  have  obliterated  all  traces  of  their  Caucasian 
origin.  The  ruin  which  had  overtaken  Albazin  did 
not,  however,  prevent  the  Russians  from  again 
occupying  the  dismantled  forts  and  entrenchments 
of  that  town.  So  long  as  the  country  was  disturbed 
by  war’s  alarms,  Peres  Gerbillon  and  Pereira  had  had 
no  opportunity  of  opening  negotiations,  but  in  1689 
they  succeeded  in  coming  to  terms  with  the  repre- 
sentative of  the  Russian  Government,  and  finally 
signed  a treaty  at  Nerchinsk  on  the  Amur  by  which 
it  was  arranged  that  Russia  should  be  bounded  as  to 
her  ambition  by  the  river  northwards,  and  should 

9 


1 14  the  rise  of  the  MA  JVC  HUS 

cease  to  disturb  the  peace  of  its  southern  shores. 
This  was  the  first  treaty  that  the  Chinese  ever  con- 
cluded with  an  European  power,  and  was  the  pre- 
cursor of  the  many  conventions  which  have  since 
been  concluded  between  the  two  Empires. 

Though  foiled  in  his  endeavour  to  enlist  the  help 
of  Russia  in  his  ambitious  career,  Galdan  yet  felt 
himself  strong  enough  to  renew  his  campaign  single- 
handed  against  the  Kalkas.  With  a certain  amount 
of  effrontery  he  complained  that  the  Chinese  had 
accepted  as  subjects  the  Kalkas  who  had  fled  over 
the  southern  frontier  to  escape  from  his  troops.  As 
the  Kalkas  were  already  Chinese  subjects  the  com- 
plaint was  preposterous  ; but,  strange  as  it  may 
seem,  it  met  with  the  support  of  the  Dalai  Lama 
of  Tibet,  of  whom  it  may  be  said  that  if  his  religious 
instincts  were  not  truer  than  his  political  ideas  the 
spiritual  condition  of  the  people  under  him  must 
have  been  in  a parlous  state.  Wisely  K’anghsi 
refused  to  listen  to  this  misguided  prelate,  and 
prepared  to  take  the  field  against  his  northern 
enemy.  Meanwhile  Galdan  suffered  a defeat  which 
was  as  disastrous  as  it  was  unexpected.  While  yet 
a young  man  he  had,  after  the  by  no  means  un- 
common manner  of  his  countrymen,  murdered  his 
elder  brother,  for  no  other  reason  than  that,  as  he 
rightly  thought,  he  was  a bar  to  his  succession  to 
the  chieftainship.  The  son  of  the  murdered  man 
had,  under  the  influence  of  K’anghsi,  assumed  the 
command  of  a portion  of  the  Khalka  territory,  and 
between  him  and  his  uncle  there  was,  as  may  well  be 
imagined,  a deathless  blood  feud.  In  an  engagement 


TARTAR  TREACHERY 


15 


fought  between  the  forces  of  the  two  relatives  the 
son  of  the  murdered  man  partly  avenged  the  assassi- 
nation by  inflicting  a crushing  defeat  on  his  uncle’s 
troops.  But,  though  discomfited,  Galdan  was  by 
no  means  vanquished,  and  gained  respect  among 
his  compeers  by  an  act  which  in  Western  countries 
would  be  deemed  infamous.  K’anghsi  had  sent 
envoys  to  Galdan  in  the  vain  hope  that  even  yet 
further  hostilities  might  be  averted.  These  men 
Galdan  arrested,  and  held  as  hostages  for  the 
peaceable  action  of  the  Chinese.  So  soon  as  the 
news  of  this  outrage  reached  Peking,  K’anghsi 
resigned  all  thoughts  of  peace,  and  marched  three 
armies  against  the  recalcitrant  Mongol.  After  an 
arduous  march  through  the  dreary  wastes  which 
separate  China  proper  from  the  Mongolian  pastures 
the  Imperial  armies  faced  their  enemy  at  Wulanpu- 
tang.  After  the  manner  of  his  kind,  Galdan,  seeing 
the  immense  forces  with  which  he  had  to  contend, 
attempted  to  avoid  the  impending  evil  by  opening 
negotiations  ; but  K’anghsi  rating  these  overtures  at 
their  proper  value,  answered  him  by  marching  to  the 
attack.  By  a most  mistaken  strategy  Galdan  sur- 
rounded his  men  by  a huge  lager  composed  of 
countless  camels,  and  awaited  the  onslaught.  It  will 
be  remembered  that  in  Wu  Sankwci’s  campaign 
against  the  Burmese  the  Burmans  made  the  mistake 
of  placing  their  elephants  in  the  front  rank,  with  the 
result  that  when  tortured  by  the  Manchu  arrows  the 
huge  monsters  turned  and  ran  among  the  ranks  of 
their  masters,  throwing  them  into  hopeless  confusion. 
A similar  fate  overtook  Galdan’s  troops.  The  fire 


Il6  THE  RISE  OF  THE  MANCHUS 

from  the  Chinese  guns  so  frightened  the  camels  that 
they  trampled  through  the  Mongol  soldiers,  and  left 
them  an  easy  prey  to  their  enemies.  It  often  happens 
in  Eastern  warfare  that  an  incompetent  general  fails 
to  reap  the  full  results  of  victory  by  not  following  up 
his  defeated  foes,  and  on  this  occasion  the  want  of 
warlike  energy  displayed  by  the  Chinese  gave  a new 
lease  of  life  to  Galdan.  Illness  had  made  the  return 
of  K’anghsi  to  Peking  absolutely  necessary,  and  his 
generals,  deprived  of  his  wisdom  and  energy,  instead 
of  pursuing  the  shattered  forces  of  the  enemy, 
withdrew  their  troops,  and  allowed  Galdan  to 
reorganise  his  broken  forces. 

For  a time  political  and  military  matters  remained 
in  a state  of  suspended  animation.  War,  however, 
was  in  the  air,  and  while  yet  a sort  of  armed  truce 
was  existing  Galdan  committed  an  act  of  profligate 
wrong  which  precipitated  action.  K’anghsi  desiring 
to  be  in  touch  with  passing  events  in  Central  Asia, 
had  sent  envoys  to  Galdan’s  nephew,  the  Khalka 
chief.  On  their  way  to  the  Khalka  capital  these 
emissaries  were  attacked,  robbed,  and  murdered  by 
Galdan’s  troops.  Such  an  act  in  Western  countries 
would  place  the  doer  beyond  the  pale  of  civilisation. 
But  in  Asia  events  of  the  kind  are  not  so  uncommon 
as  to  arouse  unusual  indignation.  K’anghsi,  however, 
waxed  wrath  at  the  outrage ; but  still  being  unwilling 
to  make  reconciliation  impossible,  he  wrote  the 
offender  a letter,  in  which,  with  a certain  magna- 
nimity, he  gave  him  room  for  repentance.  “ I learn 
that,  notwithstanding  your  oaths,”  he  wrote,  “ you 
and  Tsi  Wang  Rabdan  cannot  live  at  peace  with 


k'anghsi's  letter  of  indictment  117 

one  another  ; the  instant  I was  informed  of  your 
disagreements  I took  steps  to  remove  them.  I sent 
one  of  the  officers  of  my  tribunal  to  be  the  bearer  of 
words  of  peace,  and  your  people,  like  mere  savages, 
have  committed  the  inhuman  act  of  massacring  him. 
. . . What  ought  I to  think  of  conduct  which  pro- 
claims you  false  to  both  your  oath  and  your  allegiance? 
I now  finally  desire  to  warn  you  that  unless  your 
repentance  follows  close  upon  your  fault  I shall  come 
with  arms  in  my  hands  to  exact  from  you  the  fullest 
reparation  for  these  outrages.” 

But  though  K’anghsi  was  placable,  Galdan,  with 
all  the  restless  combativeness  of  a tribal  leader,  threw 
peace  to  the  winds  and  prepared  for  war.  To 
strengthen  his  position  he  sought  for  alliance  among 
the  neighbouring  Mongol  tribes,  and  even  went  the 
length  of  becoming  a Mahommedan  in  the  hope  that 
by  so  doing  he  might  the  more  readily  enlist  the 
sympathies  of  the  followers  of  the  Prophet.  Distinc- 
tive faiths  sit  lightly  on  Orientals,  and,  though  in 
earlier  life  he  had  visited  Lhasa,  and  had  formed  a 
close  alliance  with  the  Dalai  Lama,  he  now  found  no 
difficulty  in  professing  to  accept  the  Kuran  as  his 
guide  to  Heaven. 

As  soon  as  the  news  of  these  intrigues  reached 
Peking,  K’anghsi  set  his  battalions  in  array,  and 
appointed  General  Fei  Commander-in-chief(  1695-96). 
Circumstances  had  invested  this  campaign  with  pecu- 
liar importance,  and  to  infuse  enthusiasm  into  his  army 
and  officers  K’anghsi  held  a high  court  ceremony  at 
Peking  which  was  intended  to  be  as  inspiriting  as  it 
was  impressive.  Surrounded  by  all  the  gorgeous 


ii8 


THE  RISE  OF  THE  MAN C HUS 


trappings  of  the  East,  and,  above  all,  in  the  midst 
of  a crowd  of  officers  of  all  ranks  from  the  Commander- 
in-chief  down  to  the  youngest  subaltern — 

“ Aloft  in  a^^'ful  state 
The  god-like  hero  sat 
On  his  Imperial  throne.” 

So  soon  as  the  pageant  was  complete  General  Fei 
advanced  and  knelt  before  his  Sovereign,  who,  with 
his  own  hands,  presented  him  with  a cup  of  wine, 
which  the  warrior  drank  as  a pledge  of  his  loyalty, 
and  as  an  omen  of  future  success.  In  due  accordance 
with  their  ranks,  the  other  officers  partook  of  a 
similar  honour,  and  from  the  presence  of  their 
Emperor  marched  to  the  head  of  their  regiments. 
Upwards  of  thirty  thousand  men  followed  Fei’s 
banners,  and  these  had  scarcely  left  the  capital 
when  K’anghsi  put  into  the  field  two  more  hosts 
of  equal  number,  of  one  of  which  he  took  the 
command  in  person.  Before  leaving  his  capital  he 
presented  himself  before  his  God  at  the  Temple  of 
Heaven,  and  there,  in  the  centre  of  the  highest  of  the 
terraces  which  beautify  those  splendid  precincts,  he 
offered  up  a propitiatory  prayer  to  Shangti,  the 
supreme  Deity.  “ Receive  my  homage,”  he  prayed, 
“and  protect  the  humblest  of  your  subjects.  Sovereign 
Heaven,  Supreme  Ruler!  With  confidence  but  re- 
spect I invoke  your  aid  in  the  war  that  I find  myself 
compelled  to  undertake.  You  have  already  showered 
favours  upon  me.  ...  I admit  in  silence  and  respect 
your  benefits.  . . . My  most  ardent  desire  has  ever 
been  to  see  the  peoples  of  my  Empire,  and  even 


k' A NGH SI  BEFORE  HIS  GOD 


19 


foreign  nations,  enjoy  all  the  advantages  of  peace. 
Galdan  destroys  my  dearest  hopes  ; he  sows  disorder 
everywhere  ; he  tramples  underfoot  your  laws,  and 
despises  the  commands  of  his  Sovereign  who  holds 
your  place  here  on  earth  ; he  is  both  the  most  false 
and  the  most  wicked  of  men.  ...  I hold  from  you 
the  right  to  make  war  upon  the  wicked.  In  order  to 
fulfil  this  duty  I am  about  to  march  at  the  head  of 
my  troops.  Prostrate  before  you,  I implore  your 
support,  and  I offer  up  his  sacrifice  animated  with 
the  hope  of  drawing  down  upon  myself  some  of  your 
most  marked  favours.  But  one  vow  I most  resolutely 
formed,  and  that  is  to  bestow  the  blessing  of  peace 
throughout  the  vast  territory  over  which  you  have 
placed  me.” 

The  sought-for  blessing  was  granted  in  full  measure. 
As  the  Chinese  armies  approached  Galdan’s  lairs  he 
retreated  before  them,  possibly  in  the  hope  that,  like 
Napoleon’s  army  before  the  retiring  Russians,  they 
would  be  reduced  to  defeat  by  cold  and  starvation. 
At  last,  however,  he  made  up  his  mind  to  give  battle, 
and  victory  was  still  hanging  in  the  balance,  when, 
by  an  ingenious  though  inhuman  artifice,  Fei  turned 
the  scales  in  his  favour.  He  noticed  that  on  a neigh- 
bouring height  a large  crowd  of  apparently  non- 
combatants  stood  watching  the  fight.  Rightly 
assuming  that  these  were  the  women  and  children 
of  Galdan’s  soldiers,  he  opened  a heavy  fire  upon 
them.  The  result  was  exactly  that  which  he  had 
anticipated.  The  Mongols,  seeing  their  wives  and 
children  mowed  down  by  the  Chinese  fire,  broke 
their  ranks  and  rushed  to  their  protection.  With 


120 


THE  RISE  OF  THE  MANCHUS 


well-directed  energy  l^ei  charged  into  the  disordered 
host,  and  after  a short  struggle  gained  a complete 
and  crushing  victory.  Galdan  escaped  from  the  field, 
but  his  career  was  over,  and  while  yet  the  Chinese 
troops  were  preparing  to  follow  in  pursuit  the  news 
was  brought  in  of  his  death.  Towards  the  memory 
of  the  arch-traitor  K’anghsi  showed  no  consideration. 
He  demanded  the  remains  of  his  foe  as  well  as  the 


A STREET  SCENE  IN  PEKING. 


surrender  of  his  son  and  daughter.  With  these 
pledges  of  his  victory  he  returned  to  Peking.  What 
dishonour  was  placed  upon  the  bones  of  Galdan  we 
are  not  told,  but  with  rare  generosity  the  Son  of 
Heaven  gave  official  rank  to  the  son  and  an 
honourable  marriage  to  the  daughter.  As  the  spoil 
of  conquest  he  divided  the  territory  lately  ruled  over 
by  Galdan  between  himself  and  Tsi  Wang,  giving  to 


A DIAMOND  JUBILEE 


I2I 


this  chieftain  all  the  country  to  the  west  of  the  Altai 
Range,  and  keeping  the  eastern  districts  in  his  own 
hands. 

The  benevolent  desire  for  peace  expressed  by 
K’anghsi  at  the  Temple  of  Heaven  was  however 
denied  fulfilment,  and  the  Chinese  armies  had 
scarcely  returned  to  Peking  when  Tsi  Wang,  wax- 
ing fat  with  conquests,  developed  all  the  restless 
proclivities  of  his  late  uncle.  On  the  plea  of  giving 
a safe  escort  to  his  daughter,  who  was  betrothed  to 
a Tibetan  grandee,  he  marched  with  six  thousand 
men  against  Lhasa.  With  little  or  no  opposition  he 
presented  himself  before  the  walls  of  that  city,  and, 
having  taken  it,  delivered  it  up  to  the  predatory 
instincts  of  his  followers.  This  raid  was  an  equiva- 
lent to  a declaration  of  war  against  China,  Tibet 
being  a dependency  of  that  Ivmpire.  For  the  third 
time,  therefore,  K’anghsi  sent  an  army  into  Mongolia, 
and,  though  the  campaign  was  long  protracted,  it 
ended  in  victory  to  his  banners,  and  in  the  annihi- 
lation of  Tsi  Wang’s  forces.  This  much-wished-for 
consummation  was  reached  in  the  year  1721,  when 
K’anghsi  celebrated  his  Diamond  Jubilee  on  the 
completion  of  the  sixtieth  year  of  his  reign,  and 
formed  a fitting  climax  to  the  gorgeous  pageant  with 
which  that  far-famed  occasion  was  commemorated. 

Not  long  after  this  manifestation  of  popular  re- 
joicing, and  before  the  enthusiasm  of  his  subjects 
had  died  away,  the  great  Emperor  who  had  ruled  his 
vast  possessions  for  more  than  sixty  years,  became  a 
guest  on  high  (1722).  His  illness  was  short,  lasting 
only  thirteen  days,  but  was  long  enough  to  enable 


122 


THE  RISE  OF  THE  MANCHUS 


him  to  make  arrangements  for  the  administration  of 
future  affairs,  and  to  appoint  his  fourth  son,  Yung 
Cheng,  to  succeed  him  on  the  throne.  Few  emperors 
have  ruled  the  destinies  of  China  as  successfully  as 
K’anghsi.  He  loved  justice,  and  aimed  at  doing 
what  appeared  right  in  his  eyes.  He  was  learned  in 
all  the  knowledge  of  his  countrymen,  and  was  a 
munificent  patron  of  literature.  He  was  himself  an 
author,  and  his  numerous  writings  both  in  prose  and 
verse  filled  many  portly  volumes.  Two  works  which 
were  compiled  at  his  instigation  would  alone  be 
sufficient  to  make  his  name  memorable  in  the  annals 
of  Chinese  literature.  The  splendid  dictionary  of 
the  language,  which  is  known  as  “ K’anghsi’s  Dic- 
tionary,” is  a monumental  work,  and  was  compiled 
at  the  order  of  the  Emperor  by  a Commission  of 
Scholars  especially  appointed  for  the  purpose.  It 
has  ever  since  been  recognised  as  the  standard  dic- 
tionary of  the  language,  and  in  the  ordinary  editions 
fills  thirty-six  volumes.  The  other,  which  owes  its 
initiative  to  him,  is  the  huge  encyclopedia  known  as 
the  “ CJiinting  t'ushii  chi  cJiengl'  which  issued  from 
the  press  in  five  thousand  and  twenty  volumes. 
The  subjects  included  in  this  publication  are  divided 
into  thirty-two  grand  categories,  with  countless  sub- 
divisions, each  of  which  is  illustrated  by  quotations 
from  works  of  authority  arranged  in  chronological 
order.  So  that  the  student  has  placed  before  him  in 
due  succession  the  opinions  of  every  native  scholar 
of  weight  on  the  subject  of  his  study.  But  K’anghsi 
was  also  the  author  of  the  “ Sixteen  maxims  ” which 
form  part  of  the  initial  studies  of  every  Chinese  boy. 


STRICTURES  ON  STRANGE  SECTS 


123 


These  maxims  were  annotated  and  enlarged  upon  by 
his  son  and  successor,  Yungcheng,  who  considered 
himself  at  liberty,  in  the  case  of  one  maxim  at  least, 
to  give  a bias  to  K’anghsi’s  words,  which  probably 
was  never  intended  by  their  author.  “ Avoid  strange 
sects  in  order  to  exalt  orthodox  doctrines,”  wrote 
K’anghsi,  and  among  these  “ strange  sects  ” Y ung- 
cheng  chose  to  include  Roman  Catholicism,  and 
further  warned  his  subjects  to  have  no  relations  with 
the  followers  of  the  “ Lord  of  heaven,”  adding,  for 
the  information  of  the  people,  that  the  missionaries 
attached  to  the  Court  at  Peking  owed  their  position 
entirely  to  their  very  useful  knowledge  of  mathe- 
matics. 

The  support  and  favour  accorded  to  the  mis- 
sionaries during  the  lifetime  of  K’anghsi,  makes  it 
improbable  that  he  would  have  warned  his  people 
so  pointedly  against  them,  unless,  indeed,  he  may 
have  penned  the  words  when  vexed  and  perplexed 
by  the  unseemly  quarrels  which  broke  out  in  their 
ranks.  It  will  be  remembered  that  after  the  death 
of  Ricci  the  arrival  of  Dominican  and  Franciscan 
missionaries  gave  rise  to  acute  disputes  and  dissen- 
sions, the  new  arrivals  considering  that  the  earlier 
Jesuits  had  carried  their  principle  of  being  all  things 
to  all  men  to  an  extent  which  bordered  on  sacrilege. 
This  cleavage  between  the  Jesuits  on  the  one  hand, 
and  the  Dominicans  and  Franciscans  on  the  other, 
was  to  a great  extent  national  as  well  as  religious, 
the  Portuguese  representing  the  Jesuits,  and  the 
French  and  Italians  their  detractors.  For  some 
years  the  question  between  them  took  no  pubPr 


124 


THE  RISE  OF  THE  MANCHUS 


shape,  but  in  1645  ^ reference  was  made  to  the 
Propaganda,  which  was  answered  by  a decree  of 
Innocent  X.  One  of  the  main  questions  put  in  this 
reference  was  “ whether,  in  regard  to  the  frailty  of 
the  people,  it  could  be  tolerated,  for  the  present,  that 
Christian  magistrates  should  carry  a cross  hidden 
under  the  flowers  which  were  presented  at  the 
heathen  altars,  and  secretly  worship  that,  while  they 
were  in  outward  form  and  appearance  worshipping 
the  idol.”  The  answer  was  a direct  negative,  as  it 
was  also  to  the  inquiry  whether  the  presence  of 
Christians  in  the  temples  of  the  idols,  and  their 
attendance  at  the  worship  and  sacrifices,  were  to  be 
sanctioned. 

Though  disappointed  the  Jesuits  were  not  crushed, 
and  at  a later  date  a second  reference  ,vas  made  to 
the  Propaganda,  which  met  with  a different  response. 
The  congregation  under  Alexander  Vi  I.  upheld  the 
views  of  the  Jesuits  on  the  matter  in  dispute.  They 
drew  a distinction  between  the  political  and  religious 
rites  of  the  people,  and  included  among  the  former 
the  worship  of  ancestors  ; and  added  “ that  Chinese 
converts  should  be  permitted  to  perform  the  cere- 
monies towards  the  dead  even  with  the  unconverted, 
superstitious  objects  alone  being  prohibited  ; that 
they  may  also  assist  in  their  worship  when  they  are 
performing  superstitious  rites,  having  protested  their 
faith,  and  not  being  in  peril  of  subversion,  and  when 
otherwise  they  could  not  avoid  hatred  and  enmities.” 

The  arrival  in  China  of  Bishop  Maigrot  added  a 
new  element  of  discord  to  the  already  divided  bodies 
of  missionaries.  The  bishop  was  a man  with  strong 


BISHOP  MAIGROT 


125 


views,  and  though,  as  events  proved,  no  match  for 
the  Jesuits,  he  was  yet  one  who  could  express  himself 
with  force.  In  a decree  which  he  issued  on  the 
questions  in  dispute,  he  forbade  the  use  of  the  ex- 
pressions T'ien  and  Shajigti  for  God,  and  ordered  that 
the  Deity  should  always  be  spoken  of  as  Tien  Chii^  or 
“ Lord  of  Heaven,”  the  term  universally  used  among 
Roman  Catholics.  He  condemned  the  questions 
proposed  to  Alexander  the  Vllth  as  not  having  been 
truthfully  set  forth,  and  he  prohibited  missionaries 
from  being  present  at  the  festivals  or  sacrifices  con- 
nected with  heathen  worship.  K’anghsi,  who  still 
showed  symptoms  of  being  under  the  influence  of 
the  Jesuits,  took  umbrage  at  the  appearance  of  this 
declaration,  and  summoned  the  Bishop  to  an  audience 
in  the  wilds  of  Tartary,  whither  he  had  gone  on  a 
hunting  expedition.  The  Bishop’s  knowledge  of  the 
country  was  slight,  and  of  the  language  little  or 
nothing.  These  imperfections  were  eagerly  taken 
advantage  of  by  the  Emperor,  who,  after  the  inter- 
view, thus  wrote  of  his  guest.  “ I have  ordered 
Bishop  Maigrot  to  come  hither,  that  I might  examine 
him.  He  knows  a little  Chinese,  but  cannot  speak 
so  as  to  be  understood,  he  is  consequently  obliged  to 
have  an  interpreter.  Not  only  does  he  not  under- 
stand the  meaning  of  the  books,  but  is  even  ignorant 
of  the  characters.  A native  who  should  show  such 
ignorance  would  not  dare  to  speak  in  public,  and  if 
he  did  so  would  move  his  hearers  to  laughter.  Not 
understanding  the  sense  of  the  books,  he  is  not  in  a 
position  to  say  what  they  contain,  as  he  professes 
to  do.” 


26 


THE  RISE  OF  THE  MARCH  US 


The  inference  thus  drawn  by  the  Emperor,  that 
the  Bishop’s  ignorance  of  the  language  rendered  him 
incapable  of  forming  a right  judgment  on  the  subject 
of  the  term  for  God,  had  considerable  force.  In  the 
Imperial  eyes,  also,  it  was  presumption  on  his  part  to 
offer  an  opinion  oh  the  question,  inasmuch  as  the 
Emperor  had  traced  with  his  vermilion  pencil  a 
statement  to  the  effect  that  Tien  was  understood  by 
the  Chinese  to  be  both  the  material  Heaven  and  the 
Supreme  God.  These  differences  in  China  were 
reflected  at  Rome,  and  in  the  exercise  of  his  wisdom 
Clement  XI.  appointed  a legate  to  proceed  to  China 
to  settle  the  differences  between  the  contending 
missionaries.  This  appointment  was  a rock  of 
offence  to  K’anghsi,  who  was  annoyed  at  the  idea 
of  a visitor  being  appointed  when  he,  the  Emperor, 
was  there  to  superintend  the  conduct  of  the  Eathers. 
He,  however,  granted  the  Legate,  Charles  ]\Iaillard  de 
Tournon,  an  interview,  and  treated  him  with  marked 
courtes}’.  During  the  audience  Pereira,  who  was  in 
attendance  on  the  Emperor,  showed  by  a variety  of 
approving  gestures  that  the  Emperor’s  address  had 
been  dictated  by  himself,  and  that  the  entire  scene 
had  been  got  up  rather  as  an  exhibition  of  the 
influence  of  the  Father  than  as  a complimentary 
recognition  of  the  Pope  or  of  his  representative. 

The  Legate  soon  found  out  that  the  friendly 
expressions  used  by  K’anghsi  at  this  interview  were 
merely  complimentar}',  and  that  an  occult  influence 
was  being  exercised  against  him.  The  Emperor 
had  promised  him  a house  at  Peking,  and  had  pre- 
pared complimentary  gifts  for  presentation  to  the 


JESUIT  INVESTMENTS 


127 


Pope,  but  on  one  excuse  or  another  the  house  was 
never  conveyed  and  the  gifts  were  never  sent.  The 
religious  difficulties  had,  as  we  have  seen,  been  pro- 
ductive of  much  mischief  and  dissension,  but  a 
further  matter  was  destined  to  emphasise  the  quarrel. 
It  came  to  the  knowledge  of  the  Legate  that  the 
Jesuits  were  in  the  habit  of  lending  money  to  the 
natives  at  a rate  of  interest  which  in  Europe  would 
be  considered  usurious,  but  which  in  China  was  less 
than  the  extreme  legal  rate.  The  Jesuits  considered 
that  they  were  moderate  in  charging  24  per  cent., 
when  native  money-lenders  were  entitled  to  receive 
thirty-six,  and  from  the  source  thus  temperately 
utilised,  it  was  affirmed  that  the  three  Jesuit  houses 
at  the  capital  derived  an  annual  income  of  180,000 
taels.  But  this  profit  was  “ nothing  in  comparison 
with  that  which  they  drew  from  the  commerce  in 
manufactures,  wines,  clocks,  and  on  other  industries, 
by  which  these  Fathers  amassed  enormous  treasures, 
which  rendered  them  richer  in  the  Indies  than  the 
King  of  Portugal.”  These  statements  induced  the 
Legate  to  take  a strong  step.  He  issued  a solemn 
decree  denouncing  this  practice  of  the  Jesuits  as 
being  unworthy  of  Christians,  and  ordered  them  to 
suppress  and  annul  all  dealings  of  the  kind. 

An  incident  which  occurred  immediately  on  the 
promulgation  of  this  Decree  led  to  a serious  suspicion 
being  entertained  against  the  Jesuit  Fathers.  After  a 
solitary  repast  consisting  of  a stewed  pigeon  served 
up  with  broth  and  bread  sauce,  the  Legate  was  seized 
with  a sudden  and  dangerous  illness,  which  bore 
some  resemblance  to  the  effects  of  poison.  So  strained 


128 


THE  'RISE  OF  THE  MANCHUS 


were  the  relations  between  the  two  sides  in  the  con- 
troversy, that  the  friends  of  the  Legate  did  not  hesitate 
to  express  their  belief  that  the  Fathers  had  attempted 
to  rid  themselves  of  the  visitor  by  violent  means.  But 
whether  this  suspicion  was  well  or  ill  founded,  certain 
it  is  that  the  quarrel  from  this  time  became  bitterly 
intensified.  It  is  always  easy  to  find  Orientals  ready 
and  willing  to  bring  charges  against  unpopular  per- 
sonages. The  tide  was  now  running  against  the 
Legate,  Bishop  IMaigrot,  and  their  friends.  It  was 
natural,  therefore,  that  Chinamen  should  lay  indict- 
ments against  them,  and  that,  with  considerable 
worldly  wisdom,  the  disregard  shown  to  the  decision 
of  the  Emperor  with  reference  to  the  term  for  God, 
should  be  placed  in  the  fore-front  of  the  indictment. 
For  this  misdemeanour  Bishop  Maigrot  and  his  allies 
were  summoned  to  Peking,  and  after  the  form  of  a 
trial  judgment  was  pronounced  against  them  by  the 
Emperor  in  person.  The  Bishop  and  others  were 
sentenced  to  be  exiled  from  the  Empire  as  turbulent 
and  disorderly  men.  No  European  was  to  be  allowed 
to  remain  in  China  unless  he  had  letters  patent  from 
his  Imperial  Majesty,  and  all  coming  after  that  date 
were  to  present  themselves  at  Peking  and  to  apply  for 
the  said  letters. 

The  Legate  felt  now  that  nothing  he  could  say  or 
do  would  mitigate  either  the  wrath  of  the  Emperor, 
or  the  enmity  of  the  Jesuits.  He  therefore  felt  moved 
to  issue  a decree  enjoining  all  the  missionaries  who 
should  present  themselves  at  Peking  “ to  give  a dis- 
tinct negative  on  all  the  questions  which  formed  the 
Imperial  test,  to  abjure  all  the  rights  and  observances 


JESUIT  VIRTUES 


129 


which  the  Chinese  law  enjoined,  . . . and  to  declare 
the  incompatibility  of  all  these  doctrines  and  practices 
with  the  Christian  law.”  Irritated  by  this  opposition 
to  his  will  and  decisions,  K’anghsi  sent  two  Jesuits 
to  Rome  to  represent  to  the  Pope  the  unfortunate 
position  to  which  the  quarrels  of  the  missionaries 
had  reduced  the  affairs  of  the  mission.  Meanwhile, 
he  banished  the  Legate  to  Macao,  there  to  await  the 
return  of  the  envoys.  On  arriving  at  his  destination 
De  Tournon  was  virtually  put  under  arrest.  His 
house  was  surrounded  by  a guard  of  soldiers,  who 
allowed  no  one  to  pass  except  those  who  carried  the 
authorisation  of  the  Portuguese  Governor.  Even  food 
was  admitted  with  difficulty,  and  his  condition  was 
aggravated  by  mental  anxiety  as  to  the  result  of  the 
Emperor’s  reference  to  Rome.  Under  this  cruel  per- 
secution, his  health  broke  down,  and  in  1710  death 
released  him  from  the  ill-will  of  his  enemies.  That 
the  Jesuits  conferred  great  advantages  on  the  Chinese 
it  cannot  be  denied.  As  engineers,  architects,  and 
surveyors  they  did  much  useful  work,  and  by  the 
books  which  they  translated,  they  opened  a door  for  the 
admittance  of  Western  learning  into  the  schools  of  the 
country.  Gerbillon  and  Bouvet  translated  Euclid  and 
other  mathematical  works,  Thomas  taught  the  people 
algebra,  Brocart  instructed  them  in  the  arts,  and 
Pereira  in  music.  Men  learned  in  all  the  knowledge 
of  the  West  gave  up  home  and  country  for  the  good 
of  the  people  ; while  scientists  of  the  first  rank 
thought  it  not  degrading  to  mend  clocks  and  make 
musical  boxes  for  the  Emperor  and  his  mandarins. 
But  to  the  cause  of  religion  the  dissensions  which 

10 


130  THE  RISE  OF  THE  MANCHUS 

they  fomented  did  infinite  harm,  and  exposed  the 
Fathers  to  the  taunt  of  K’anghsi,  that  instead  of 
propagating  the  fhith  in  China,  they  were  ruining 
it. 


( IV 

) 

! THE  REIGNS  OF  YUNGCHENG  AND  CH’IENLUNG 

I The  son  to  whom  the  Imperial  purple  had  des- 

\ cended  was  the  fourth  among  K’anghsi’s  numerous 

j progeny.  He  was  a man  of  fine  bearing  and  good 

j abilities.  As  his  father  said  of  him,  “ Yungcheng  is  a 
man  of  rare  and  precious  character,”  and,  with  per- 
haps pardonable  pride,  he  added,  “ he  has  a great 
resemblance  to  myself”  The  new  Emperor  was 
forty-four  years  of  age  when  he  ascended  the  throne, 
j and  his  first  care  was  to  remove  beyond  the  reach  of 

I temptation  those  of  his  brothers  whom  he  considered 

' to  be  politically  dangerous.  The  fourteenth  prince, 

, who  at  this  time  held  a command  in  Central  Asia, 

j was  first  attacked,  as  being  the  most  prominent 

j possible  aspirant  to  the  Throne.  He  was  therefore 
' ordered  to  Peking,  where,  with  his  son,  he  was  im- 
prisoned in  the  garden  of  “ Perpetual  Spring.”  On 
other  princes  various  kinds  of  repression  were  exercised, 
and  one  was  banished  to  Hsining  on  the  western  fron- 
tier, where  he,  together  with  his  brothers,  embraced 
Christianity.  The  conversion  of  these  banished 
members  of  his  family  added  fuel  to  Yungcheng’s 

131 


132  THE  REIGXS  OF  YUNGCH^ING  AND  CH' lENLUNG 

wrath  against  them,  and  resulted  in  a sentence  of 
perpetual  banishment  on  all  members  of  that  section 
of  the  Imperial  clan. 

The  new  Emperor’s  attitude  towards  Christianity 
chimed  in  so  naturally  with  the  feelings  of  the  Literati 
that  it  was  plain  that  the  new  faith  had  fallen  on  evil 
days.  A largely  and  influentially  signed  memorial 
was  presented  to  the  Emperor,  calling  upon  him  to 
banish  all  foreign  priests  from  the  Empire,  and  to 
permit  the  conversion  of  their  churches  to  other  and 
“better”  uses.  In  accordance  with  the  usual  practice 
this  memorial  was  referred  to  the  Board  of  Rites,  who 
recommended  that  all  missionaries  except  those  in 
the  service  of  the  Emperor,  should  be  sent  to  Macao, 
and  should  be  forbidden,  on  pain  of  death,  to  make 
any  attempt  to  proselytise.  As  a result  of  the 
measures  thus  recommended  and  approved,  upwards 
of  three  hundred  churches  were  destroyed,  and  over 
three  hundred  thousand  converts  were  left  spiritual 
orphans. 

The  political  horizon  meanwhile  was  no  clearer 
than  the  religious  one.  The  Mongols,  who  had  kept 
K’anghsi  in  a perpetual  state  of  warfare,  again  gave 
evidence  of  their  turbulent  disposition,  and  a formid- 
able rebellion  broke  out  in  the  district  of  Chinghai. 
The  duty  of  suppressing  this  revolt  was  entrusted  to 
General  Nien,  who  so  well  played  his  part  that  the 
rebels  were  severely  punished  and  offered  their  sub- 
mission, pleading  with  every  appearance  of  sincerity 
to  be  allowed  once  more  to  live  under  the  benign  rule 
of  the  Emperor.  Eor  this  service  Nien  was  made  a 
Duke,  and  was  feted  by  Yungcheng  on  his  return  to 


TOO  POTENT  A SATRAP 


133 


Peking.  On  the  occasion  of  this  feast,  Nien’s  officers 
were  entertained  in  the  outer  courtyard  of  the  Palace, 
while  he  alone  was  admitted  into  the  Imperial 
presence.  Intoxicated  by  their  success  his  officers, 
in  the  enjoyment  of  the  feast,  so  far  forgot  their 
respect  for  their  surroundings  as  to  become  riotous  in 
their  cups.  The  Emperor  repeatedly  sent  out  to 
enjoin  silence,  and,  on  his  orders  being  disregarded, 
his  guest,  jealous  of  the  credit  of  his  men,  blew  the 
whistle  with  which  he  had  been  accustomed  to  guide 
his  troops  to  victory  on  the  fields  of  battle.  The 
effect  was  instantaneous.  The  riot  ceased  as  by 
magic,  and  not  a voice  was  heard.  Yungcheng  was 
greatly  alarmed  at  this  evidence  of  the  influence  which 
Nien  had  acquired  over  his  staff,  and  seeing  that 
where  he  was  impotent  Nien  was  all  powerful,  he 
felt  that  the  existence  of  so  potent  a leader  might 
constitute  a danger  to  the  State.  It  is  possible,  also, 
that  the  consciousness  of  his  might  may  have  made 
Nien  self-asserting  in  the  presence  of  his  sovereign. 
At  all  events  the  decree  went  forth  that  he  was  to  be 
crushed  ; and  instantly  memorials  were  presented  to 
the  Throne  accusing  the  successful  general  of  not 
having  even  been  in  Chinghai,  the  reported  scene  of 
his  triumphs,  but  of  having  amused  himself  at  a safe 
distance  from  the  field,  where  his  soldiers  were  facing 
the  enemy.  It  was  further  roundly  asserted  that  he 
had  adopted  the  emblems  and  insignia  of  royalty  ; 
that  he  had  worn  robes  which  none  other  than  the 
Emperor  should  wear ; and  that  he  had  ordered  the 
streets  of  towns  and  cities  through  which  he  had 
passed  to  be  cleared  before  him.  Bribery  and  corrup- 


134  the  reigxs  of  yuxgcheng  axd  ch' IEXLUXG 

tion  on  a gigantic  scale  were  also  laid  to  his  charge, 
and  the  man  who  was  yesterday  an  all-powerful 
general,  was  next  day  cast  into  prison,  and  after  a 
brief  trial  was  sentenced  to  be  sliced  to  pieces. 
Humanity,  however,  induced  the  Emperor  to  mitigate 
this  barbarous  sentence,  and  the  fallen  victim  was 
allowed  by  Imperial  clemency  to  strangle  himself  in 
his  prison  cell. 

All  this  time  the  tide  had  been  flowing  steadily 
against  the  Christians,  and  even  the  arrival  of  foreign 
embassies,  instead  of  giving  them  a much  needed 
support,  gained  for  them  nothing  but  disaster.  In 
1727  Count  Sava  Vladislavitche  arrived  at  Peking  at 
the  head  of  a mission  from  the  Czar,  and  was  espe- 
cially deputed  to  arrange  with  the  Chinese  Court  a 
revision  of  the  treaty  of  Nerchinsk.  Two  events 
made  this  mission  noticeable.  One  was  the  fact  that 
it  served  to  establish  a permanent  Russian  footing  in 
Peking  in  the  persons,  firstly  of  a number  of  youths 
who  were  destined  by  their  Imperial  master  for  the 
study  of  Chinese ; and  secondly,  of  persons  of 
authority  over  the  students  on  whom  were  conferred 
certain  plenipotentiary  powers,  which  enabled  them 
when  occasion  required  to  act  as  diplomatic  agents 
at  the  Chinese  capital.  The  other  was  an  incident 
which*  occurred  when  Count  Sava  presented  his  cre- 
dentials. Up  to  this  time  all  foreigners  to  whom 
Imperial  audiences  had  been  granted,  had  been 
bidden  to  deposit  their  credentials  on  a table  placed 
in  front  of  the  Emperor.  Deeming  this  form  to  be 
derogatory.  Count  Sava  overlooked  the  table  and 
placed  the  documents  in  the  hands  of  his  Majesty. 


A PORTUGUESE  ENVOY 


35 


A little  later  in  the  course  of  the  same  year  a Portu- 
guese Mission  arrived  at  Peking  and  Don  Metello 
Souza  y Menzes,  the  Envoy,  having  heard  of  the 
action  of  his  Russian  colleague,  and  desiring  to 
emulate  it,  informed  the  Court  officials  that  it  was 
unnecessary  to  place  a table  in  front  of  his  Majesty 
as  he  intended  to  hand  his  credentials  to  him  m 
propia persona.  At  this  avowal  the  Court  dignitaries 
were  much  disturbed,  and  accused  the  Jesuits,  who 
had  interpreted  for  Count  Sava,  of  having  prompted 
the  Portuguese  to  follow  his  example.  The  Em- 
peror, however,  took  a more  reasonable  view  of  the 
question,  and  gave  Don  Metello  Souza  permission  to 
follow  the  course  which  he  proposed. 

In  the  difficulties  which  these  and  other  circum- 
stances had  brought  upon  them,  the  Jesuits  deemed 
it  wise  to  ask  leave  to  appear  by  deputation  before 
the  Emperor.  Their  request  was  granted,  but  with- 
out listening  to  their  representations  His  Majesty 
addressed  them  in  a speech  especially  prepared  for 
the  occasion,  and  which  at  least  displayed  an  intimate 
knowledge  of  the  missionaries  and  their  doings. 
“The  late  Emperor  my  father,” 'IVe  said,  “after  having 
instructed  me  during  forty  years,  chose  me  ...  to 
succeed  him  on  the  thron.e»  ..L  make  it  one  of  my 
first  objects  to  imitate  him,  and  to  depart  in  nothing 
from  his  manner  of  government.  ...  You  tell  me 
that  your  law  is  not  a false  one.  I believe  you  ; if  I 
thought  that  it  was  false  what  would  prevent  me 
from  destroying  your  churches  and  from  driving  you 
out  of  the  country  ? . . . But  what  would  you  say  if 
I were  to  send  a troop  of  bonzes  and  lamas  into  your 


136  THE  REIGNS  OF  YUNGCHENG  AND  CH'iENLUNG 

country  in  order  to  preach  their  doctrines  ? How 
would  you  receive  them?  ...  You  wish  that  all  the 
Chinese  should  become  Christians,  and  indeed  your 
creed  commands  it.  I am  well  aware  of  this,  but  in 
that  event  what  would  become  of  us  ? Should  we 
not  soon  be  merely  the  subjects  of  your  kings  ? The 
converts  you  have  made  already  recognise  nobody 
but  you,  and  in  a time  of  trouble  they  would  listen  to 
no  other  voice  but  yours.  ...  I permit  you  to  reside 
here,  and  at  Canton,  so  long  as  you  give  no  cause  for 
complaint  ; but  if  any  should  arise,  I will  not  allow 
you  to  remain  here  or  at  Canton.  I will  have  none 
of  \'ou  in  the  provinces.  The  Emperor  my  father 
suffered  much  in  reputation  among  the  Litei'ati  by 
the  condescension  with  which  he  allowed  you  to 
establish  yourselves.  . . . Do  not  imagine,  in  con- 
clusion, that  I have  nothing  against  you,  or  on  the 
other  hand  that  I wish  to  oppress  you.  . . . My  sole 
care  is  to  govern  the  Empire  well.” 

It  will  be  observ^ed  that  in  this  speech  the  Emperor 
dwelt  especially  on  those  points  which  have  ever 
since  formed  the  bones  of  contention  between  the 
missionaries  and  the  ruling  powers  in  China.  It  is 
beyond  question  that  the  missionaries,  in  their 
righteous  zeal,  have  often  unduly  interfered  on  behalf 
of  their  converts  in  the  native  courts.  This  applies 
to  both  Roman  Catholics  and  Protestants,  though  it 
must  be  confessed  that  the  Roman  Catholic  Fathers 
have  tried  to  arrogate  to  themselves  administrative 
powers  in  a more  open  and  palpable  way  than  their 
Protestant  brethren  have  ever  attempted. 

There  is  a natural  disposition  in  men  who  are 


IMPERIAL  DISASTERS 


137 


persecuted  for  their  Religion’s  sake  to  regard  any  mis- 
fortunes which  happen  to  overtake  their  persecutors 
as  being  specially  designed  by  Heaven  to  avenge 
their  wrongs.  Deprived  of  their  political  privileges, 
and  of  the  Court  favour  in  which  they  had  so  long 
basked,  the  Jesuits  found  some  consolation  in  the 
indulgence  of  this  weakness  of  humanity.  And 
truth  to  tell  they  had  many  occasions  for  the  gratifi- 
cation of  this  consoling  reflection.  Pestilence,  floods, 
and  earthquakes,  dogged  the  steps  of  the  repressive 
Emperor.  Death  was  rife  within  the  Palace,  whole 
districtj^  in  the  northern  portion  of  the  Empire  were 
flooded  by  the  bursting  of  the  banks  of  “ China’s 
Sorrow,”  the  Yellow  River,  and,  as  if  to  emphasise 
the  special  iniquity  of  the  Imperial  Court,  Peking 
was  shaken  to  its  very  foundations  by  an  earthquake 
(1730),  which  is  said  to  have  destroyed  upwards 
of  a hundred  thousand  people,  while  Providence 
which  seems  to  have  been  guided  by  the  same  in- 
stinct which  directed  the  allies  when  they  destroyed 
the  Palace  of  Yuan-ming-yuan  in  i860,  caused  the 
earthquake  to  inflict  overwhelming  havoc  on  the 
same  Imperial  buildings.  About  the  same  time 
riots  broke  out  at  Canton,  and  the  whole  Empire 
appeared  to  be  tottering  on  the  verge  of  a catas- 
trophe. 

In  China,  as  in  England,  there  has  always  been  a 
party  who  have  advocated  a policy  of  withdraw- 
ing from  conquests  beyond  the  national  frontier. 
K’anghsi  and  later  again  Ch’ienlung  with  truer 
insight  had  seen  that  the  only  way  of  establishing 
peace  on  the  Mongolian  frontier  was  to  overawe  that 


1 


138  THE  REIGNS  OF  YUNGCHENG  AND  CH'ieNLUNG 

indestructible  element  of  disloyalty  and  violence 
which  had  always  to  be  reckoned  with  when  Mon- 
gols were  concerned.  Yungcheng  however  failed  to 
realise  this,  and  accepting  the  advice  of  his  coun- 
cillors withdrew  his  army  from  beyond  the  northern 
frontier.  Happily  for  the  Empire  but  a short  time 
was  allowed  for  the  ill  effects  of  this  experiment  to 
develop  themselves,  for  on  the  7th  of  October,  1735, 
the  stroke  of  fate  fell  upon  the  Emperor.  Early  in 
the  day  he  had  granted  the  usual  audiences,  and  was 
almost  immediately  afterwards  seized  with  a sudden 
illness  which  ended  his  career  on  the  same  evening. 
Yungcheng  was  not  a popular  Sovereign,  although 
he  possessed  that  quality  which  is  more  highly 
esteemed  than  any  other  by  the  Chinese,  the  love  of 
literature.  He  was  a voluminous  writer,  but  it  is  to 
be  regretted  that  throughout  all  his  works  there  is 
noticeable  a strong  anti-foreign  feeling,  which  is 
happily  wanting  in  the  writings  of  both  his  prede- 
cessor and  successor.  His  death  was  so  sudden  that 
he  was  unable  to  nominate  his  heir,  and,  as  is  usual 
in  such  cases,  his  eldest  son,  who  adopted  the  title  of 
Ch’ienlung,  ascended  the  throne. 


I 

I 

V 

I 

j THE  REIGN  OF  CIl’lENLUNG 

! 

I Ch’ienlung  succeeded  his  father  at  the  age  of 
j twenty-five,  and  with  an  engaging  modesty  which  is 

I unusual  in  the  case  of  “ Sons  of  Heaven,”  he  ap- 

j pointed  four  Regents  to  guide  and  direct  his  faltering 

I steps  in  the  administration  of  the  Empire.  His  first 

i exercise  of  Imperial  power  was  in  the  direction  of 

that  quality  which  blesses  those  who  give  and  those 
' who  take.  He  released  the  brothers  of  his  late 

father  from  the  confinement  to  which  Yungcheng  in 
j his  jealous  fear  had  consigned  them,  and  opened  the 
prison  doors  to  many  casual  offenders.  The  founder 
> of  the  dynasty  had  divided  the  members  of  his 

' family  into  two  branches,  distinguished  by  the  colour 

I of  their  girdles  or  belts.  To  himself  and  his  direct 

heirs  he  reserved  the  use  of  the  yellow  girdle,  while 
the  collateral  branches  were  entitled  only  to  wear  one 
^ of  a red  colour.  The  princes  who  had  fallen  under  the 
I displeasure  of  Yungchenghad  been  deprived  at  their 
fall  of  their  right  to  either  of  these  distinctions,  but 
t the  restoration  to  favour  accorded  them  by  Ch’ienlung 
restored  to  them  the  privilege  of  again  wearing  the 
I girdle  of  their  great  ancestor. 

, 139 


140  THE  REIGN  OF  Ch'  I EX  LUNG 

The  missionaries  were  not  so  fortunate  as  these 
scions  of  the  Imperial  race,  since,  though  Ch’ienlung 
at  that  time  showed  no  personal  animus  against 
them,  the  Regents  to  a man  werd  their  bitter  oppo- 
nents. At  the  instigation  of  these  potentates  an 
edict  was  issued  forbidding  the  missionaries  to  propa- 
gate their  faith,  and  directing  them  to  prosecute  with 
all  humbleness  the  mechanical  callings  in  which  they 
had  shown  themselves  proficient.  The  province  of 
Fuhkien  has  always  been  a troublesome  one  so  far  as 
foreigners  are  concerned.  Some  of  the  greatest  out- 
rages that  the  Jesuits  had  to  submit  to  occurred  in  this 
province,  and  a long  series  of  enormities  has  since 
been  perpetrated  within  the  district  ending  in  the  last 
wholesale  murder  of  English  missionaries  in  1895. 
In  1746  persecutions  of  a particularly  savage  nature 
broke  out  in  Fuhkien.  Several  Spanish  missionaries 
were  imprisoned  and  tortured,  while  those  who 
attempted  to  shield  them  from  their  enemies  were 
strangled  in  spite  of  the  intercession  of  the  Jesuits 
at  Peking.  The  unhappy  prisoners  were  only 
released  from  their  miseries  by  the  sword  of  the 
executioner. 

Meanwhile  a rebellion  broke  out  in  South-western 
China  and  spread  to  the  provinces  of  Hunan  and 
Kwangsi.  x\s  has  so  often  happened  in  Chinese 
campaigns,  the  generals  who  had  been  entrusted 
with  the  suppression  of  this  revolt  had  so  mismanaged 
matters  that  the  Imperial  troops  could  make  no  head- 
way against  the  rebels.  The  Chinese  have  a rough- 
and-ready  way  of  dealing  with  men  who  either 
from  their  own  faults,  or  by  some  mischance,  are 


VAi  VICTIS 


(( 


>) 


I4I 


unlucky  enough  to  meet  with  disaster.  A short  shrift 
and  a sharp  sword,  unless  the  prisoner  should  happen 
to  be  a persona  grata,  when  a silken  cord  is  sent  to 
him,  is  commonly  their  fate.  In  this  case  such  a lot 
was  meted  out  to  the  unsuccessful  leaders,  and  a certain 
General  Chang  Kwang  was  appointed  in  their  place. 
The  new  general  justified  his  appointment.  In  a 
short  time  he  subjugated  the  rebels  and  pacified  the 
disturbed  districts.  If  we  are  to  believe  the  native 
historians  we  must  accept  the  facts  that  he  slaughtered 
in  the  field  eighteen  thousand  of  the  enemy,  and 
sent  to  execution  almost  as  many  prisoners.  Shortly 
afterwards  an  insurrection  broke  out  in  the  province 
of  Szech’uan,  and  Chang  Kwang  again  took  the  field. 
But  success  no  longer  waited  on  his  footsteps.  He 
was  surrounded  by  the  enemy’s  spies,  so  that  the 
words  which  he  spake  in  his  bedchamber  were  told 
to  the  chiefs  of  the  rebels.  In  this  way  all  his  plans 
were  forestalled,  and  to  him  was  decreed  a like  fate 
to  that  which  had  overtaken  the  generals  whom  he 
had  superseded.  Pi  is  successor.  General  Fu  was 
more  successful,  and  recovered  the  revolted  province 
to  his  master’s  rule.  The  tender  mercies  of  Chinese 
victors  are  almost  invariably  cruel,  and  Ch’ienlung 
was  in  no  melting  mood  when  the  captured  rebel 
chief  and  his  family  were  brought  before  him.  Fol- 
lowing the  traditional  usage  adopted  towards  har- 
dened rebels,  he  passed  sentence  of  Lmg  Chih  upon 
them  all,  with  the  exception  of  one  little  girl  who  was 
tranferred  to  the  palace. 

For  the  first  ten  years  of  Ch’ienlung’s  reign  the 
chieftain  Tsening  had  ruled  over  the  Mongols  in 


142 


THE  REIGN  OF  CH'iENLUNG 


peace  and  quiet.  His  death  however  in  1745  let 
loose  all  the  elements  of  violence  which  he  had 
hitherto  been  able  to  hold  in  check.  After  some  dis- 
turbance and  many  acts  of  violence,  one  of  the  sons 
of  the  late  chieftain,  Dardsha  by  name,  assumed  the 
reins  of  power,  but  his  supremacy  was  not  long  left 
undisputed.  A restless  relative  named  Davatsi,  with 
an  ally  as  truculent  as  himself  in  the  person  of 
Amursana,  a neighbouring  chief,  took  the  field 
against  him.  The  fortunes  of  war  are  always  uncer- 
tain, and  in  border  warfare  they  can  seldom  be 
counted  on  with  surety.  In  this  instance  success 
passed  now  to  one  side,  and  now  to  the  other,  with 
perplexing  fickleness.  To  follow  the  fortunes  of  each 
army  would  be  as  difficult  as  it  would  be  unprofitable, 
but  in  the  end  Dardsha  was  defeated  and  slain, 
leaving  to  the  allies  the  possession  of  his  territory. 
“ When  thieves  fall  out  honest  men  come  to  their 
dues,”  and  in  this  case  the  quarrel  which  sprung  up 
between  the  two  allies  resulted  eventually  in  Ch’ien- 
lung  recovering  the  possessions  which  his  father  had 
so  weakly  receded  from.  The  war  which  raged 
between  the  two  usurpers  ended  in  the  defeat  of 
Amursana,  who  fled  to  Peking  desiring  to  enlist  the 
sympathies  of  Ch’ienlung  on  his  behalf  The  fugitive 
was  received  with  honour  and  an  army  was  sent  to 
chastise  Davatsi.  At  the  conclusion  of  the  campaign 
Amursana  was  left  in  the  recovered  territory  as  the 
representative  of  Ch’ienlung,  but  with  the  consistent 
faithlessness  of  a Mongol,  he  no  sooner  found  himself 
in  the  possession  of  an  inch  of  power  than  he  took 
an  ell. 


A MONGOL  CAMPAIGN 


143 


The  news  of  his  unauthorised  assumption  of 
monarchical  rights  having  reached  Ch’ienlung’s  ears, 
the  deputy  was  ordered  to  Peking  to  answer  for  his 
conduct.  His  reply  was  in  keeping  with  his  character. 
He  put  to  the  sword  the  small  Chinese  garrison  left 
with  him,  and  prepared  for  war.  Nor  had  he  long  to 
wait.  Ch’ienlung  at  once  mustered  his  battalions 
and  issued  a manifesto  to  the  Empire  explaining  the 
call  to  arms.  In  this  document  he  said  with  pardon- 
able pride,  “ My  Empire  is  larger  than  any  in  the 
world  ; it  is  more  populous  ; it  is  richer.  My  coffers 
overflow  with  silver,  and  my  granaries  are  full  of  all 
kinds  of  provisions.”  After  this  exordium  he  ex- 
plained the  cause  of  the  quarrel,  and  justified  to  his 
entire  satisfaction  the  course  which  he  was  about  to 
take.  For  Amursana’s  treachery  he  had  no  words  of 
condemnation  strong  enough,  and  as  for  the  arch- 
traitor himself  he  was  to  be  regarded  “ as  a wolf” 
which  flies  at  the  approach  of  an  enemy  and  has  to 
be  hunted  down  as  vermin.  Strict  orders  were  given 
that  the  rebel  was  to  be  brought  to  Peking  dead  or 
alive,  and  Generals  Chao  Huei  and  Fu  were  com- 
missioned to  lead  their  troops  to  the  attack.  Ch’ien- 
lung’s  description  of  the  rebel’s  tactics  was  true  to 
the  letter.  Amursana  instinctively  avoided  general 
engagements,  and,  when  worsted  in  skirmishes,  rode 
off  with  as  many  of  his  men  as  could  follow  him  to 
fresh  woods  and  pastures  new.  General  Fu  who  was 
specially  deputed  to  follow  on  his  tracks,  hunted  him 
down  with  ceaseless  pertinacity.  Eventually,  deserted 
by  his  followers,  and  discredited  as  a chieftain,  Amur- 
sana fled  for  refuge  to  Russian  territory,  and  implored 


144  the  reign  of  ch'ienlung 

the  protection  of  the  Czar.  Here  he  was  safe  from 
his  human  pursuers,  but  unconsciously  he  had  walked 
into  the  jaws  of  death.  A violent  epidemic  of  small- 
pox was  desolating  the  country  at  the  time,  and  to 
that  dreadful  disease  he  speedily  fell  a victim.  On 
receiving  the  news  of  his  death  General  Fu  demanded 
his  body,  that  Ch’ienlung  might  have  the  gratification 
of  gazing  on  the  remains  of  his  adversary.  To  this 
the  Russians  very  naturally  declined  to  accede,  but 
invited  Fu  to  send  messengers  to  identify  the  features 
of  the  rebel. 

The  brilliant  success  which  had  attended  the 
Chinese  generals  left  them  dissatisfied  so  long  as 
Eastern  Turkistan  remained  as  a possible  hotbed  of 
discontent  on  their  western  frontier.  Chao,  therefore, 
determined  to  move  against  Kashgar  and  Yarkand, 
and  in  the  first  instance  despatched  a certain  General 
Ma  at  the  head  of  the  invading  force.  Ma  blun- 
dered in  the  execution  of  his  task,  and  met  with 
more  than  one  serious  reverse.  As  we  have  seen, 
there  is  only  one  rule  in  China  for  the  treatment 
of  unsuccessful  generals.  In  this  case  it  was  not 
departed  from,  and  Ma  being  beheaded,  Chao  took 
the  matter  into  his  own  hands.  The  impetus 
given  to  the  campaign  by  his  skill  and  energy  was 
such  that  before  long  he  was  able  to  report  to  his 
sovereign  the  capture  of  both  the  objects  of  his 
attack.  The  prestige  thus  acquired  by  the  Chinese 
arms  so  impressed  the  ruler  of  Khokand  that  he 
immediately  made  his  submission  to  the  “ Son  of 
Heaven,”  an  example  which  was  followed  by  several 
of  the  neighbouring  chiefs.  As  the  victors  entered 


TRI UMPHANT  GENERA  LS  1 4 5 

the  city  of  Kashgar  the  inhabitants,  as  we  learn  by  a 
letter  from  General  Chao  to  Ch’ienlung  (1759),  sur- 
rendered with  every  demonstration  of  joy.  They 
lavished  refreshments  on  the  troops,  and  covered  the 
generals  with  honour.  As  the  procession  advanced 
the  people  threw  themselves  on  their  knees  and  cried 
aloud,  “Long  live  the  great  Emperor  of  China!” 
Having  established  some  form  of  administration  in 
the  conquered  provinces,  Chao  and  Fu  returned  to 
Peking  to  receive  the  rewards  of  their  services.  As 
they  approached  the  capital  Ch’ienlung  went  out  half 
a day’s  journey  to  meet  them,  and  graciously  placed 
' palaces  within  the  city  at  their  disposal.  Chao  was 

! raised  to  the  highest  rank  of  nobility,  and  Fu  to  that 

I of  the  next  grade.  Chao  who  was  already  advanced 

; in  years  remained  at  Peking  until  his  death,  resting 

on  his  laurels,  and  eventually  died  in  the  odour  of 
Court  favour.  It  is  said  that  after  his  decease  the 
; Emperor  visited  him  and  in  support  of  a strange 

■ fiction  directed  that  the  dead  man  should  be  seated 

1!  in  a chair  as  though  still  alive.  “ I command  you  to 

I remain  as  you  are,”  said  the  monarch.  “ I come  to 

I see  you  for  the  purpose  of  exhorting  you  to  leave 

' nothing  undone  towards  the  re-establishment  of  your 

1 health.  A man  like  you  is  still  necessary  to  the 

Empire.” 

I But  though  war’s  alarms  were  frequent  during  the 
I reign  of  Ch’ienlung  peaceful  celebrations  were  mingled 
' with  the  echoes  of  distant  strife.  Nearer  home  the 
prosperity  of  the  country  advanced  by  leaps  and 
by  bounds,  and  the  favour  of  Heaven  was  reflected 
in  the  well-being  of  the  Imperial  family.  An  inte- 

1 1 


146  THE  REIGN  OF  Ch'iENLUNG 

resting  ceremony  took  place  in  the  year  1752  when 
the  Dowager  Empress  attained  her  sixtieth  year. 
The  whole  route  from  Yuan-ming-yuan,  some  seven 
miles  from  Peking,  to  the  Imperial  Palace  within  the 
city  walls,  was  made  one  long  festive  pageant,  while  the 
sides  of  the  road  were  lined  with  extempore  pavilions 
and  theatres,  where  musicians  and  actors  did  their 
utmost  to  add  harmony  and  amusement  to  the  scene. 
It  had  been  originally  intended  that  the  Imperial 
co7'tege  should  have  been  carried  in  barges  along  the 
course  of  the  river  to  the  city  walls,  and  though  the 
season  was  winter  when  in  the  ordinary  course  every- 
thing is  hard  bound  with  frost,  every  effort  was  made 
to  keep  the  river  open.  But  the  attempt  failed  and 
sleighs  were  substituted.  Within  the  city  walls  the 
decorations  were  even  more  elaborate  than  by  the 
highways.  Artificial  mountains  with  Buddhist  tem- 
ples and  monasteries  dotted  on  their  sides,  arcades 
and  restaurants  bordered  the  streets,  while  for  the 
amusement  of  the  Imperial  party  children  dressed  as 
monkeys  climbed  artificial  trees  and  gathered  with  a 
variety  of  grimace  every  kind  of  artificial  fruit.  At 
other  places  gigantic  pears  and  apples  opened  at 
intervals  displaying  children  in  their  hollow  interiors. 
Never  was  there  a more  gorgeous  scene,  but  it  was 
robbed  of  more  than  half  its  value  and  significance 
by  the  law  which  obliges,  on  such  occasions,  the 
inhabitants  of  the  neighbourhood  to  remain  indoors 
with  closed  shutters  to  prevent  them  gazing  on  the 
Dragon  countenance.  Like  Frederick  the  Great  who 
was  wont  to  form  the  solitary  spectator  of  theatrical 
performances  in  the  Royal  Theatre  in  Berlin,  the 


A CHINESE  BAKKOW  RIDE. 


148  THE  REIGN  OF  CH'iENLUNG 

Emperors  of  China  are  accustomed  to  traverse  the 
streets  of  their  capital  unseen  by  those  who  have 
prepared  for  their  delight  the  decorations  of  the 
streets  and  buildings. 

As  interludes  between  the  higher  duties  of  State, 
the  artistic  labours  of  the  Jesuits,  Castiglione  and 
Attiret,  formed  an  endless  source  of  interest  and 
amusement  to  the  Emperor,  and  he  was  even  induced 
by  the  excellence  of  their  painting  to  honour  Attiret 
by  sitting  for  his  portrait.  So  delighted  was  he  with 
the  result  that  he  was  minded  to  confer  on  the  artist 
the  high  distinction  of  a mandarin’s  button.  This 
honour,  however,  Attiret  declined  with  many  expres- 
sions of  gratitude,  but  he  and  others  continued  to 
devote  themselv'es  to  amusing  and  astonishing  the 
Emperor  by  all  kinds  of  mechanical  contrivances 
without  reward  or  recompense.  In  the  construction 
of  one  piece  of  mechanism  they  surpassed  themselves. 
With  much  elaborate  and  ornate  detail  they  con- 
structed a clock  representing  a courtyard,  from  the 
pavilion  in  which,  at  the  stroke  of  the  hour,  the  figure 
of  a mandarin  advanced  carrying  a banner  bearing 
the  words,  “ Long  live  the  Emperor  ! ” As  the  auto- 
maton bowed  low,  four  attendants  appeared  who, 
with  short  batons,  beat  out  a chime  representing  the 
particular  time  of  the  day.  The  Chinese  have  always 
had  a taste  for  this  kind  of  mechanical  contrivance, 
and  when  the  Allies  took  possession  of  the  Summer 
Palace  in  i860  a number  of  clocks  of  a construc- 
tion similar  to  that  just  described  were  found  among 
the  Imperial  treasures. 

At  this  time  Ch’ienlung  may  be  said  to  have 


EMIGRATION  OF  TOU ROOTS 


149 


i reached  the  zenith  of  his  power,  and  to  have  extended 
! his  fame  throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of  Asia. 
A notable  instance  of  the  confidence  which  was 
reposed  in  his  rule  is  afforded  by  one  of  the  strangest 
I migrations  which  even  the  East  with  its  manifold 
I caprices  has  ever  witnessed.  While  the  tribes  on  the 
i Mongol  frontier  had  been  in  a state  of  ferment  the 
' Tourgots,  under  the  leadership  of  their  chief  Ayuka, 

I fled  from  the  ever-recurring  turmoil  across  the 
Steppes  of  the  Kirghez  into  Russian  territory.  At 
first  their  sudden  incursion  caused  the  Governor  of 
I Orenburg  some  alarm,  but  on  becoming  better 
informed  as  to  its  cause  and  object,  he  placed  at  the 
disposal  of  the  wanderers  a fertile  territory  lying 
I between  the  Volga  and  the  Yaik.  Here  they 
remained,  pursuing  their  avocations  for  half  a 
century,  not  without  some  provocation  from  their 
new  government,  but  in  the  enjoyment  of  a tran- 
quillity which,  compared  with  their  former  harassed 
existence,  was  as  a haven  of  rest.  It  is  true  that  the 
Russian  drill  sergeants  decimated  their  young  men 
for  the  service  of  the  Czar,  and  that  taxes  were  levied 
upon  them  such  as  in  their  more  primitive  state  of 
society  had  been  entirely  unknown.  But  these  were 
grievances  to  which,  so  long  as  their  former  habitat 
remained  the  scene  of  constant  strife,  they  were 
content  to  submit.  After  the  defeat  and  death  of 
Amursana,  however,  and  the  complete  pacification  of 
the  districts  over  which  he  had  been  in  the  habit  of 
raiding,  the  Tourgots  turned  their  eyes  towards  the 
lands  where  they  had  originally  dwelt,  and  desired  to 
offer  their  submission  to  the  “ Son  of  Heaven,”  who 


150 


THE  kEIGN  OF  Ch'" lEXLVNCr 


had  been  instrumental  in  producing  order  out  of 
chaos.  Having  satisfied  themselves  that  their  re- 
appearance within  the  Chinese  frontier  would  be 
welcomed  as  a return  to  their  fold,  they  in  all  secrecy 
made  preparation  for  their  return  march  across  the 
dreary  deserts  of  Central  Asia.  On  one  of  the  first 
days  of  January,  in  the  year  1771,  the  Tourgot  men, 
women,  and  children,  to  the  number  of  600,000,  started 
on  their  ill-starred  journey  in  the  direction  of  their 
ancient  home. 

The  choice  of  winter  for  this  great  adventure  was 
directed  by  the  fact  that  their  settlements  were 
situated  on  both  sides  of  the  riv'er  Volga,  and  that  it 
was  thus  necessary  to  wait  until  a frozen  surface 
should  afford  a means  by  which  the  western  portion 
might  at  any  moment  join  their  confreres  on  the 
eastern  shore.  Absolute  secrecy  was  observed  by 
the  Khan  and  his  colleagues  as  to  their  intentions, 
and  the  ignorance  of  the  Russian  Government  on  the 
point  was  preserved  and  heightened  by  the  apparent 
zeal  with  which  the  Tourgots  offered  themselves  for 
military  service  under  the  banners  of  the  Czaritza  in 
the  war  in  which  the  Empire  was  engaged  against 
the  Turk.  It  was  proposed  by  the  Khan  and  his 
confederates  that  on  a signal  being  given,  the  settlers 
should  set  fire  to  their  dwellings  and  crops,  and,  if 
possible,  include  in  the  conflagration  the  neighbouring 
Russian  cities  and  villages. 

When  the  momentous  day  arrived,  and  the  signal 
was  given,  the  western  settlers,  alarmed  by  the 
presence  of  Russian  troopers,  who  were,  by  a strange 
accident,  in  their  neighbourhood,  refused  to  move, 


THE  FLIGHT  OF  A TARTAR  TRIBE 


(( 


» 


I5I 


and  by  this  coincidence  not  only  were  the  Russian 
riverine  towns  saved  from  destruction,  but  the 
amount  of  misery  entailed  by  the  march  was  lessened 
by  one-half.  As  one  person,  the  men,  women,  and 
children  dwelling  on  the  eastern  bank,  moved  east- 
ward at  the  bidding  of  the  Khan.  The  first  stage  of 
three  hundred  miles  was  covered  in  sev^en  days  with 
the  aid  of  horses  and  camels.  But  already  the 
Cossacks  were  following  at  the  heels  of  the  fugitives, 
and  one  division  of  the  huge  crowd  of  wanderers  was 
cut  to  pieces  by  these  merciless  pursuers.  Harassed 
by  their  enemies  and  tortured  by  famine,  thirst,  and 
disease,  the  Tourgots,  in  spite  of  every  obstacle, 
pushed  on  towards  their  goal.  For  eight  months 
they  marched  through  the  steppes  and  deserts  of 
Asia,  and  the  small  remnant  were  rejoiced  at  the  end 
of  that  time  to  re-enter  the  Chinese  frontier  on  the 
shores  of  the  Lake  of  Tengis.  To  this  point  Ch’ienlung 
had  despatched  a force  of  cavalry  to  receive  the 
wanderers,  of  whose  approach  he  had  been  apprised. 
One  morning  the  Celestial  troopers  “ reached  the 
summit  of  a road  which  led  through  a cradle-like 
dip  in  the  mountains  right  down  upon  the  margin 
of  the  lake.  From  this  pass  elevated  about  two 
thousand  feet  above  the  level  of  the  water,  they 
continued  to  descend,  by  a very  winding  and  difficult 
road,  for  an  hour  and  a half ; and  during  the  whole 
of  this  descent  they  were  compelled  to  be  inactive 
spectators  of  the  fiendish  spectacle  below.  The 
Kalmucks  (Tourgots)  reduced  by  this  time  from 
about  six  hundred  thousand  souls  to  two  hundred 
thousand,  and  after  enduring  the  miseries  we  have 


152 


THE  REIGN  OF  CH' lENLUNG 


previously  described — outrageous  heat,  famine,  and 
the  destroying  scimitar  of  the  Kirghizes  and  the 
Bashkirs — had  for  the  last  ten  days  been  traversing 
a hideous  desert,  where  no  vestiges  were  seen  of 
vegetation,  and  no  drop  of  water  could  be  found. 
Camels  and  men  were  already  so  overladen  that  it 
was  a mere  impossibility  that  they  should  carry  a 
tolerable  sufficiency  for  the  passage  of  this  frightful 
wilderness.  On  the  eighth  day,  the  wretched  dail)^ 
allowance,  which  had  been  continually  diminishing, 
failed  entirely  ; and  thus,  for  two  days  of  insupport- 
able fatigue,  the  horrors  of  thirst  had  been  carried  to 
the  fiercest  extremity.  Upon  this  last  morning,  at 
the  sight  of  the  hills  and  the  forest  scener}',  which 
announced  to  those  who  acted  as  guides  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  the  Lake  of  Tengis,  all  the  people 
rushed  along  with  maddening  eagerness  to  the 
anticipated  solace.  The  day  grew  hotter  and  hotter, 
the  people  more  and  more  exhausted;  and  gradually, 
in  the  general  rush  forwards  to  the  lake,  all  discipline 
and  command  were  lost — all  attempts  to  preserve  a 
rearguard  were  neglected.  The  wild  Bashkirs  rode  in 
amongst  the  encumbered  people,  and  slaughtered  them 
wholesale,  and  almost  without  resistance.  Screams 
and  tumultous  shouts  proclaimed  the  progress  of  the 
massacre ; but  none  heeded,  none  halted  ; all  alike 
pauper  or  noble,  continued  to  rush  with  maniacal 
haste  to  the  waters — all  with  faces  blackened  with 
the  heat  preying  upon  the  liver,  and  with  tongue 
drooping  from  the  mouth.  The  cruel  Bashkir  was 
affected  by  the  same  misery,  and  manifested  the  same 
symptoms  of  his  misery,  as  the  wretched  Kalmuck, 


THE  FLIGHT  OF  A TARTAR  TRIBE 


153 


The  murderer  was  oftentimes  in  the  same  frantic 
misery  as  his  murdered  victim.  Many,  indeed  (an 
ordinary  effect  of  thirst)  in  both  nations,  had  become 
lunatic ; and  in  this  state,  whilst  mere  multitude 
and  condensation  of  bodies  alone  opposed  any  check 
to  the  destroying  scimitar  and  the  trampling  hoof, 
the  lake  was  reached  ; and  to  that  the  whole  vast  body 
of  enemies  rushed,  and  together  continued  to  rush, 
forgetful  of  all  things  at  that  moment  but  of  one 
almighty  instinct.  This  absorption  of  the  thoughts 
in  one  maddening  appetite  lasted  for  a single  minute ; 
but  in  the  next  arose  the  final  scene  of  parting 
vengeance.  Far  and  wide  the  waters  of  the  solitary 
lake  were  instantly  d}^ed  red  with  blood  and  gore. 
Here  rode  a party  of  savage  Bashkirs,  hewing  off 
heads  as  fast  as  the  swaths  fall  before  the  mower’s 
scythe ; there  stood  unarmed  Kalmucks  in  a death- 
grapple  with  their  detested  foes,  both  up  to  the 
middle  in  water,  and  oftentimes  both  sinking  together 
below  the  surface,  from  weakness  or  from  struggles, 
and  perishing  in  each  other’s  arms.  Did  the  Bashkirs 
at  any  point  collect  in  a cluster  for  the  sake  of  giving 
impetus  to  the  assault,  thither  were  the  camels  driven 
in  fiercely  by  those  who  rode  them,  generally  women 
and  boys  ; and  even  these  quiet  creatures  were  forced 
into  a share  in  this  carnival  of  murder  by  trampling 
down  as  many  as  they  could  strike  prostrate  with  the 
lash  of  their  forelegs.  Every  moment  the  water 
grew  more  polluted  ; and  yet  every  moment  fresh 
myriads  came  up  to  the  lake  and  rushed  in,  not  able 
to  resist  their  frantic  thirst,  and  swallowing  large 
draughts  of  water,  visibly  contaminated  with  the 


154 


THE  REIGN  OF  CH'iENLUNG 


blood  of  their  slaughtered  compatriots.  Wheresoever 
the  lake  was  shallow  enough  to  allow  of  men  raising 
their  heads  above  the  water,  there,  for  scores  of  acres, 
were  to  be  seen  all  forms  of  ghastl}'  fear,  of  agonising 
struggle,  of  spasm,  of  convulsion,  of  mortal  conflict — - 
death,  and  the  fear  of  death — revenge,  and  the  lunacy 
of  revenge — hatred,  and  the  frenzy  of  hatred — until 
the  neutral  spectators,  of  whom  there  were  not  a few, 
now  descending  the  eastern  side  of  the  lake,  at  length 
averted  their  eyes  in  horror.  This  horror,  which 
seemed  incapable  of  further  addition  was,  however, 
increased  by  an  unexpected  incident.  The  Bashkirs, 
beginning  to  perceive  here  and  there  the  approach  of 
the  Chinese  cavalry,  felt  it  prudent,  wheresoever  they 
were  sufficient!}’  at  leisure  from  the  passions  of  the 
murderous  scene,  to  gather  into  bodies.  This  was 
noticed  b\’  the  governor  of  a small  Chinese  fort  built 
upon  an  eminence  above  the  lake,  and  immediate!}’ 
he  threw  in  a broadside  which  spread  havoc  among 
the  Bashkir  tribe.  As  often  as  the  Bashkirs  collected 
into  ‘globes’  and  ‘turms’  as  their  onh’  means  of 
meeting  the  long  line  of  descending  Chinese  cavalr}% 
so  often  did  the  Chinese  governor  of  the  fort  pour 
his  exterminating  broadside,  until  at  length  the  lake, 
at  the  lower  end,  became  one  vast  seething  caldron 
of  human  bloodshed  and  carnage.  The  Chinese 
cavah}’  had  reached  the  foot  of  the  hills  ; the  Bash- 
kirs, attentive  to  their  movements,  had  formed ; 
skirmishes  had  been  fought  ; and  with  a quick  sense 
that  the  contest  was  henceforward  rapidly  becoming 
hopeless,  the  Bashkirs  and  Kirghizes  began  to  retire. 
The  pursuit  was  not  as  vigorous  as  the  Kalmuck 


A BORMESE  WAR 


155 


hatred  would  have  desired  ; but,  at  the  same  time,  the 
very  gloomiest  hatred  could  not  but  find,  in  their  own 
dreadful  experience  of  the  Asiatic  deserts,  and  in 
the  certainty  that  these  wretched  Bashkirs  had  to 
repeat  that  same  experience  a second  time,  for 
thousands  of  miles,  as  the  price  exacted  by  a retri- 
butary providence  for  their  vindictive  cruelty,  not  the 
very  gloomiest  of  the  Kalmucks  or  the  least  reflect- 
ing, but  found  in  all  this  a retaliatory  chastisement 
more  complete  and  absolute  than  any  which  their 
swords  and  lances  could  have  obtained,  or  human 
vengeance  could  have  devised.”  ^ 

With  merciful  foresight  Ch’ienlung  provided  food 
and  garments  for  the  wretched  remainder  of  the 
wanderers  that  had  reached  his  frontier.  Lands 
were  also  placed  at  their  disposal,  and  on  the  shores 
of  the  lake  a pillar  was  raised  to  commemorate  the 
hardships  endured,  and  the  engagements  fought  on 
this  great  and  notable  march. 

But  while  peace  and  quiet  were  established  on  the 
northern  frontiers  of  the  Empire,  the  relations  with 
Burma  had  become  strained  to  the  point  of  war. 
The  histories  do  not  describe  clearly  the  causes  of 
the  rupture  between  the  two  countries.  In  Oriental 
states  there  are  constantly  occurring  causes  of 
hostility,  and  the  probability  is  that  incursions  of 
Burmese  marauders  may  have  taxed  the  patience 
of  the  Chinese  to  breaking  point.  But,  however 
that  may  be,  certain  it  is  that  in  1768  Ch’ienlung 
ordered  his  troops  to  take  the  field.  At  first  success 
attended  the  Chinese  arms.  The  Burmese  who  had 

* “ The  Flight  of  a Tartar  Tribe,”  by  De  Quincey. 


156 


THE  REIGN  OF  CH  lENLUNG 


rashly  invaded  the  province  of  Yunnan,  were  com- 
pletely defeated,  and  were  compelled  to  retreat  across 
the  frontier.  Flushed  with  victory  the  Chinese 
general  followed  in  pursuit,  and  again  inflicted  defeat 
on  the  Burmese  within  their  own  territory.  But  no 
one  who  has  traversed  the  mountain  ranges  which 
separate  Western  China  from  Burma  will  be  sur- 
prised to  hear  that  the  difficulty  of  getting  provisions 
from  China  considerably  hampered  the  movements 
of  the  Celestials.  Meanwhile  the  Burmese  had 
summoned  every  available  man  to  their  standards, 
and  had  marched  with  overwhelming  numbers  against 
the  invaders.  Destitute  of  suj^plies  and  surrounded 
by  the  enemy  the  Chinese  position  was  desperate. 
In  a moment  of  despair  the  general  ordered  a 
sauve  qui  peut^  and  only  those  few  who  were  not 
slain  by  the  victorious  Burmese  escaped  through  the 
mountain  passes  to  China. 

On  receipt  of  the  news  of  this  disaster,  Ch’ienlung 
ordered  Generals  Alikun  and  Akwei  to  take  com- 
mand of  another  army  to  avenge  the  defeat.  Again 
the  Chinese  troops  crossed  the  dizzy  heights  which 
separate  the  two  Empires,  and  established  themselves 
in  a fortified  camp  at  Bhamo.  Starting  from  this 
point  dappui,  x\likun  at  the  head  of  a considerable 
force,  marched  towards  the  capital.  At  his  approach 
the  King  of  Burma  lost  heart,  and  though  possessed 
of  forces  which  might  well  have  opposed  successfully 
the  advance  of  the  Chinese  troops,  he  proposed  terms 
of  peace.  /\likun,  nothing  loth,  being  in  the  face  of  a 
numerically  superior  army,  and  with  ranges  of  moun- 
tains and  narrow  defiles  in  the  rear,  readily  agreed  to 


PEACE  WITH  BURMA 


57 


discuss  a treaty  of  alliance.  It  cannot  be  denied  that 
as  diplomatists  the  Chinese  are  not  to  be  surpassed, 
and  though  on  the  present  occasion  at  a disadvantage 
in  the  field,  Alikun  succeeded  in  completely  over- 
reaching the  Burmese  Ministers  in  conclave.  By  the 
terms  of  the  treaty  which  was  then  signed,  perpetual 
peace  was  proclaimed  between  the  two  Empires,  and 
the  King  agreed  to  pay  a triennal  tribute  to  the  Court 
of  Peking.  The  tribute  then  provided  for  was 
regularly  paid  up  to  the  time  of  our  taking  possession 
of  Upper  Burma,  and  even  afterwards,  for  by  a most 
mistaken  and  unfortunate  belief  in  the  power  of 
China,  and  the  importance  of  her  alliance,  we  agreed, 
after  establishing  ourselves  at  Mandalay,  that  the 
tribute  should  still  continue  to  be  paid  by  the  highest 
Burmese  authority  in  the  country.  The  leading 
principle  of  our  policy  in  China  since  the  war  of  1842 
has  been  to  establish  by  every  art  and  form  the 
equality  of  our  government  with  that  of  Peking.  By 
this  mistaken  step,  however,  we  became  generally 
recognised  as  tributaries  of  China,  and  by  our  own 
act  and  deed  laid  ourselves  open  to  impertinences 
similar  to  those  perpetrated  on  Lord  Macartney, 
when  the  flag  on  the  boat  which  carried  him  to 
Peking  was  made  to  bear  the  inscription,  “ Tribute 
Bearers  to  the  Imperial  Court.”  Peace  was  no  sooner 
secured  on  the  south-western  frontier  than  distur- 
bances broke  out  among  the  Miaotzii  tribes  on  the 
borders  of  Szech’uan.  The  Miaotzu  are  an  interest- 
ing people,  and  are  the  descendants  of  one  of  the 
aboriginal  tribes  who  inhabited  China  before  the 
advent  of  the  Chinese.  As  the  primitive  Chinese 


158  THE  REIGN  OE  CH'iENLUNG 

settlers  advanced  over  the  country  and  possessed 
themselves  of  the  plains  and  valleys,  the  aboriginal 
tribes  were  driven  to  take  refuge  in  the  mountain 
ranges  of  Western  and  South-western  China.  These 
dispossessed  tribes  have  never  been  entirely  subdued, 
and  the  Chinese  with  that  tolerance  which  in  some 
regard  characterises  their  government,  have  refrained 
from  interfering  with  the  internal  affairs  of  the 
mountaineers,  unless  compelled  to  do  so  by  aggres- 
sion on  their  part.  The  Miaotzu,  who  are  by  nature 
joyous  and  independent,  have  thus  followed  their 
own  customs,  and  have  preserv^ed  their  form  of 
civilisation  in  entire  independence  of  the  more 
cultured  people  by  whom  they  are  surrounded. 
In  the  mountain  valleys  where  they  dwell  they 
still  preserve  old-world  customs,  which  are  found 
only  in  the  most  backward  portions  of  the  earth’s 
surface.  That  strange  custom  of  couvade  still 
exists  among  them,  and  their  marriage  customs 
carry  us  back  to  the  time  when  the  world  was 
indeed  young.  Small  in  stature  and  badly  armed, 
they  can  never  have  been  a match  for  Chinese 
soldiers  ; but  like  the  Afridis  of  the  North-West 
Frontier  of  India,  their  true  strength  lay  in  the 
intricate  and  difficult  nature  of  the  country  which 
they  inhabited. 

At  various  times  wars  have  broken  out  between 
these  people  and  their  Chinese  neighbours,  and  so 
far  as  it  is  possible  to  judge,  the  outrages  which 
have  led  up  to  these  hostilities  have  as  often  been 
committed  by  one  side  as  the  other.  A few  skir- 
mishes on  the  Szech’uan  frontier  led  on  this 


A REBELLION  OF  ABORIGINES 


159 


occasion  to  a war  which  was  intended  to  be  one 
of  extermination.  In  these  engagements  the 
Miaotzii  were  generally  successful,  and  in  ordinary 
circumstances  it  may  well  have  been  that  a peace 
would  have  been  patched  up  between  the  disputants. 
But  Ch’ienlung  had  been  long  fed  on  victory,  and 
his  troops  by  constant  warfare  had  reached  a high 
standard  of  combativeness  and  efficiency.  He  was 
unwilling  therefore  to  submit  to  defeat  at  the  hands 
of  the  Miao  barbarians,  and  made  immediate  prepara- 
tions for  the  despatch  of  a punitive  expedition.  But 
being  ready  to  give  the  rebels  one  more  chance 
of  repentance,  he,  before  sending  an  army  into 
the  field,  despatched  two  envoys  to  the  rebellious 
tribes  bearing  an  Imperial  letter  offering  terms  of 
peace.  The  chief,  however,  flushed  with  victory,  and 
barbarously  unmindful  of  the  hospitality  due  to 
plenipotentiaries,  murdered  the  two  envoys,  and 
scattered  the  letter  of  peace  to  the  four  winds  of 
heaven.  The  die  was  now  cast,  and  a strong  force 
was  at  once  sent  to  punish  the  recalcitrant  rebels. 
The  chief  command  of  this  army  was  given  to 
General  Wen  Fu,  with  Akwei  and  Feng  Shene  as 
Lieutenant-Generals.  The  Emperor’s  orders  were 
stringent.  The  two  fortified  camps  of  the  enemy 
were  to  be  captured  at  all  costs,  and  an  iron  heel 
was  to  be  placed  on  the  necks  of  the  rebels.  The 
district  over  which  the  army  had  to  deploy  was 
mountainous  in  the  extreme.  The  roads  were 
nothing  more  than  mountain  tracks,  and  except  in 
some  places  where  suspension  bridges  crossed  the 
rivers,  passages  across  the  torrents  had  to  be  made 


i6o 


THE  REIGN  OF  CH'' lENLUNG 


in  skin  boats.  The  three  generals  at  the  head  of  as 
many  separate  forces  converged  by  different  ways  on 
the  Golden  River  district.  General  Wen  Fu,  at  the 
head  of  ten  thousand  men,  took  the  main  route,  and 
having  arrived  within  striking  distance  of  the  enemy, 
fortified  himself  in  an  entrenched  camp.  ‘ Like  many 
Chinese  generals  he  seems  to  have  been  of  the 
opinion  that  the  presence  of  his  masters  big 
battalions,  and  the  sight  of  a forest  of  flags  would 
strike  terror  into  the  hearts  of  the  hillmen.  But  he 
was  mistaken.  He  had  no  sooner  established  him- 
self than  he  was  rudely  awakened  by  a sudden  and 
furious  onslaught  of  the  enemy.  The  attack  was  so 
unexpected,  and  the  manner  of  warfare  was  so  little 
understood  by  the  Chinese  officers  and  men,  that 
hardly  any  show  of  resistance  was  made,  and  the 
invaders  were  cut  down  like  grass  before  the  scythe. 
General  W’en  Fu  was  killed  and  only  a small  remnant 
of  his  force  succeeded  in  effecting  a junction  with  the 
other  detachments. 

The  news  of  this  disaster  reached  Ch’ienlung  as  he 
was  enjoying  his  ease  at  Jehol,  his  hunting  palace  in 
Mongolia.  Without  a moment’s  delay  he  called 
together  a council,  by  whose  advice  he  promoted 
Akwei  to  the  supreme  command,  and  ordered 
him  to  prosecute  the  war  with  all  despatch.  Akwei 
lost  no  time  in  obeying  these  orders,  and  after  a 
battle  which  lasted  five  days  and  five  nights,  so 
completely  defeated  the  Miaotzu  that  they  came 
forward  with  humble  petitions  for  peace.  Ch’ienlung 
would,  however,  make  no  terms  with  rebels  who  had 
so  flagrantly  defied  his  authority,  and  Akwei  again 


IMPERIAL  BAD  FAITH 


l6l 


pushed  his  advantage  to  the  utmost.  At  last  every 
stronghold  but  one  was  taken,  and  at  this  remaining 
fortress  the  Miaotzu  offered  an  heroic  defence.  So 
bravely  did  they  fight  that  Akwei,  with  all  the  force 
at  his  command  was  unable  to  capture  the  place. 
Famine,  however,  brought  the  defenders  to  their 
knees.  The  stronghold  was  yielded,  and  the  chief 
with  his  wife  and  children  surrendered  to  the 
Chinese  general  on  condition  that  their  liv’es  should 
be  spared.  General  Gordon  had  some  experience  of 
the  value  of  such  a promise  as  that  made  by  Akwei 
on  this  occasion.  It  will  be  remembered  that  when 
the  Wangs  of  Soochow  surrendered  to  Gordon  on  the 
express  condition  that  their  lives  should  be  granted 
to  them,  Li  Hungchang  treacherously  put  them  to 
death.  In  the  same  way  Ch’ienlung  acted  towards 
the  Miaotzu  chief  and  family.  With  great  pomp  and 
circumstance  Akwei  presented  his  captives  to  the 
Emperor,  who  in  spite  of  the  plighted  word  of  the 
general,  sentenced  the  chief,  Sonomu,  and  his  family 
to  death,  and  transported  the  men  of  the  garrison  to 
Hi,  where  they  were  condemned  to  labour  as  military 
convicts  for  the  rest  of  their  lives. 

The  conquest  of  the  Miaotzu  was  one  which  fos- 
tered the  Imperial  vanity  of  Ch’ienlung.  They  were 
a tribe  within  his  own  frontier,  and  had  never  before 
suffered  at  the  hands  of  the  Chinese  such  crushing 
defeats  as  had  now  overtaken  them.  A dukedom  was 
conferred  on  Akwei,  who  was  further  graced  with  a 
yellow  girdle  to  replace  the  red  one  which  had  hitherto 
marked  his  rank,  while  abundant  honours  were 
showered  on  his  subordinates.  For  some  reason,  which 


12 


i62 


TH^  REIGN  OF  CH^IENLUNG 


does  not  plainly  appear,  General  Fu  Te,  who  had  been 
second  in  command,  was  left  out  in  the  cold,  or,  at 
least,  considered  that  he  had  been  so  treated.  He  was 
a rough  soldier,  and  was  not  accustomed  to  conceal 
his  feelings.  The  elevation  of  Akwei  was,  in  his 
e}’es,  excessive,  and  he  was  incautious  enough  to  ex- 
press his  views  on  the  subject.  In  the  East  it  is  not 
wise  to  denounce  a Court  favourite  when  in  high 
honour,  and  the  friends  of  Akwei  took  occasion  to 
bring  to  light  certain  peccadillos  which  during  his 
career  had  been  committed  by  Fu  Te,  and  which  were 
probably  far  less  important  than  those  which  might 
have  been  laid  to  their  own  charge.  But  the  tide  was 
in  their  favour,  and  the  Emperor  sentenced  the  general 
to  death.  Fu  Te  had  served  his  country  well  in 
Mongolia  and  in  South-western  China,  and  had  re- 
ceived signal  instances  of  his  Imperial  master’s  favour 
for  the  skill  with  which  he  had  seconded  the  efforts  of 
Chao  Huei  in  the  pacification  of  the  tribes  in  Central 
Asia,  and  one  cannot,  therefore,  but  regret  that  so 
stern  a fate  should  have  overtaken  him.  In  narrating 
the  incidents  connected  with  the  Miaotzu  war,  the 
Imperial  Chronicler  states  that  the  cost  of  the  expe- 
dition amounted  to  30,000,000  taels. 

In  an  Empire  extending  ov^er  such  a wide  area  as 
that  ruled  by  Ch’ienlung,  and  in  a country  where  the 
administration  from  its  decentralised  nature  has  never 
been  thoroughly  effective,  it  is  impossible  that  there 
should  not  be  constant  outbreaks  and  disturbances  in 
the  outlying  districts.  Eormosa  has  always  been  a 
difficult  possession.  The  ranges  of  mountains  which 
fringe  its  eastern  shores  form  the  homes  of  savage 


FIGHTING  IN  FORMOSA 


63 


tribes  who  have  never  submitted  to  the  Chinese  yoke  ; 
while  the  Chinese  settlers  on  the  western  plains  have 
acquired  a rough  and  independent  habit  from  the  lack 
of  all  official  restraint.  It  will  be  remembered  that 
Koxinga  found  a congenial  refuge  in  its  harbours 
from  the  attacks  of  the  Manchus,  and  it  has  been  at 
all  times  an  Alsatia  to  which  the  lawless  and  the 
vagabonds  have  naturally  gravitated.  In  1786  a local 
official  took  upon  himself  the  responsibility  of 
arresting  a man  named  Lin  on  the  charge  of  dis- 
loyalty. It  must  be  confessed  that  the  arrest  was 
fully  justified.  Lin  was  one  of  those  men  whose 
personality  was  such  as  enabled  him  to  exercise  a 
powerful  influence  on  his  fellow  men.  By  establishing 
a secret  society  he  had  succeeded  in  drawing  many 
thousands  of  his  fellow-subjects  to  his  banners  ; and 
the  local  mandarin  not  unnaturally  thought  that  if  he 
were  not  quickly  lodged  in  prison  he  might  possibly 
seat  himself  on  the  throne.  But  he  did  not  count 
the  cost,  and  the  news  was  no  sooner  bruited  about 
that  Lin  was  a prisoner  than  his  followers  rose,  mur- 
dered the  venturesome  mandarin,  and  released  his 
prisoner.  Here  were  undoubtedly  the  makings  of  a 
very  pretty  quarrel,  and  Ch'ienlung  was  not  the  man 
to  submit  to  be  browbeaten.  An  army  was  sent  to 
the  scene  of  strife,  but  like  so  many  first  movement  3 
in  Chinese  campaigns  the  efforts  of  the  force  were 
doomed  to  complete  failure.  The  troops  had  no 
sooner  touched  the  shores  of  Formosa  than  they  were 
attacked  by  Lin’s  banditti  and  utterly  destroyed,  the 
general  in  command  saving  himself  only  by  a hasty 
flight  to  the  mainland.  On  receipt  of  this  news 


164 


THE  REIGN  OF  CH’iENLUNG 


Ch’ienlung,  after  an  usual  custom,  offered  the  rebels 
terms  of  peace.  What  the  nature  of  these  were  does 
not  appear,  but  that  negotiations  were  carried  on  is 
plain  from  the  fact  that  Lin  made  counter  propositions 
to  those  presented  to  him  by  Ch’ienlung’s  envoys.  He 
demanded  first  of  all  that  the  mandarin  who  after  his 
release  had  attempted  cruel  measures  of  repression 
should  be  put  to  death  ; (2)  that  he  should  not  be 
called  upon  to  present  himself  at  Peking  ; and  (3) 
that  the  administration  on  the  island  should  be  of  a 
milder  form  than  had  been  the  case  hitherto.  It  was 
said  that  upwards  of  twenty  thousand  soldiers  had 
fallen  in  battle,  and  though  it  is  not  incumbent  upon  us 
to  accept  this  as  an  accurate  statement,  yet  there  can 
be  no  doubt  that  the  loss  of  life  had  been  very  great. 
The  recollection  of  this  death  roll,  coupled  with  Lin’s 
repudiation  of  his  Imperial  terms,  determined  Ch’ien- 
lung  to  send  an  overwhelming  force  to  crush  the 
movement. 

An  army  of  one  hundred  thousand  men,  under  the 
command  of  General  Fu  K’angan,  was  shipped  across 
the  straits  which  divided  Fuhkien  from  the  scene  of 
strife,  and  though  Lin’s  troops  fought  bravely  against 
the  invaders,  they  were  no  match  for  the  seasoned 
Imperial  soldiers,  many  of  whom  had  learned  the  art 
of  war  in  Burma,  and  had  helped  to  carry  the  fast- 
nesses of  the  Miaotzu  tribes.  In  these  conditions  there 
could  be  but  one  result,  and  before  long  General  Fu 
was  able  to  return  to  Peking  with  the  news  that  the 
island  was  thoroughly  pacified.  The  loss  of  life  among 
the  natives  in  this  campaign  is  frightful  to  contem- 
plate, and  as  a matter  of  fact  Fu’s  triumph  was 


REVOLT  LV  COCHIN  CHINA 


165 


achieved  by  making  a desert  and  calling  it  peace.  At 
the  present  time  Formosa  is  presenting  to  the  Japanese 
the  same  administrative  difficulties  that  it  has  always 
offered  to  the  Chinese  since  its  incorporation  into  the 
Empire.  The  people  are  not  readily  handled,  and 
the  neighbourhood  of  the  mountain  tribes  adds  an 
ever-impending  terror  to  the  occupation  of  the  more 
habitable  and  less  inaccessible  parts  of  the  island. 

At  this  time  Ch’ienlung  was  not  only  master  of  his 
own  Empire,  but  was  also  the  arbiter  of  the  fates  of 
the  surrounding  countries.  His  battalions  were  so 
vast,  the  civilisation  which  he  represented  was,  com- 
paratively speaking,  so  advanced,  and  the  weapons 
used  by  his  troops  were  so  superior  to  those  employed 
in  other  Eastern  lands,  that  his  name  was  one  to  con- 
jure with  ; and  in  disputed  successions,  whether  in 
Tibet,  Mongolia,  or  Cochin  China,  he  was  commonly 
appealed  to  as  judge.  Shortly  after  the  conclusion  of 
the  Formosan  war  a revolution  broke  out  in  Cochin 
China,  headed  by  an  ex-Minister  named  Yuan,  which 
ended  in  the  deposition  of  the  King.  In  this  emer- 
gency the  defeated  potentate  appealed  for  help  to 
Ch’ienlung,  who  ordered  the  Governor  of  the  neigh- 
bouring province  of  Kwangsi  to  reinstate  the  de- 
throned monarch.  This  the  Governor  successfully 
effected.  On  his  return  towards  the  Chinese  frontier, 
however,  he  was  suddenly  attacked  by  the  rebel 
leader  who,  by  force  of  arms  and  by  clever  strategy, 
inflicted  a humiliating  defeat  upon  him.  On  the 
occasion  of  this  reverse  Ch’ienlung  appointed  the 
veteran  Fu  K’angan  to  avenge  the  outrage.  Pro- 
bably the  fame  of  this  noted  general  impressed  Yuan' 


1 66  THE  REIGN  OF  CH'IENLUNG 

with  the  consciousness  that  further  resistance  was 
useless.  At  all  events  he  made  the  most  abject  sub- 
mission to  the  Imperial  forces,  and  so  persuasive  was 
he  in  his  pleadings  for  a favourable  consideration  that 
Ch’ienlung  not  only  forgave  him  his  offences,  but 
placed  him  on  the  throne  of  the  now,  for  the  second 
time,  dispossessed  king.  To  display  his  gratitude 
Yuan,  taking  advantage  of  Ch’ienhmg’s  eightieth 
birthday,  presented  himself  at  Jehol,  and,  as  a reward 
for  his  loyalty,  was  invested  with  the  title  and 
authority  of  a tributary  sovereign. 

The  reign  of  Ch’ienlung  was  throughout  a period 
of  wars  and  rumours  of  wars,  and  he  had  no  sooner 
settled  the  Cochin  China  difficulty  to  his  satisfaction 
than  his  attention  was  directed  to  the  extreme  western 
part  of  his  subordinate  dominions.  It  happened 
that  a short  time  previously  the  Panshen  Lama  of 
ulterior  Tibet  had  made  a pilgrimage  to  Peking,  in 
order  to  implore  the  Seven  Weeks  of  Blessings  on 
the  aged  Emperor.  In  the  presence  of  his  Imperial 
Majesty,  the  Lama  displayed  Buddhist  relics  so 
numerous  that,  as  the  native  historian  states,  they 
“ might  have  filled  the  sea,  and  when  piled  up  were  as 
high  as  mountains.”  While  glorying  in  these  reli- 
gious trophies  he  was  seized  with  small-pox  and  died 
after  a short  illness.  His  valuables  and  treasures, 
which  seem  to  have  been  as  plentiful  as  his  relics,  were 
handed  ov'er  to  his  elder  brother,  the  Hut’ukht’u, 
or  Saint  Tsungpa,  to  the  exclusion  of  his -younger 
brother,  who  was  further  excommunicated  as  a 
heretic  for  belonging  to  the  “ Red  Religion  ” rather 
than  the  orthodox  yellow  phase  of  the  Faith. 


A lama's  revenge 


167 


Shemarpa,  the  younger  brother,  could  have  put  up 
with  the  excommunication,  but  to  be  disinherited  was 


THE  LAMA  TEMPLE  AT  PEKING. 

more  than  he  felt  inclined  to  endure,  and,  with  a 
notable  want  of  patriotism,  he,  by  way  of  revenge  for 


THE  REIGN  OF  CH  IE N LUNG 


1 68 

the  treatment  he  had  received,  invited  the  Gurkhas 
of  Nepal  to  enrich  themselves  by  plundering  the 
immense  wealth  which  Tsungpa  had  appropriated  to 
himself.  Ever  ready  for  either  fighting  or  plunder, 
the  Gurkhas  easily  yielded  to  the  temptation,  and 
having  collected  an  army  crossed  the  frontier  into 
Tibet.  Generals  Pa  Chung,  Go  Huei,  and  Cheng  Te, 
the  Chinese  Wardens  of  the  Marches,  being  well 
aware  that  the  troops  at  their  command  were  quite 
insufficient  to  withstand  the  invaders,  compounded 
with  them  by  offering  them  a bribe  on  behalf  of  the 
Tibetans  of  10,500  ounces  of  gold  to  be  paid  annually 
by  the  abbots  of  the  Lamaist  monasteries.  At  the 
same  time  the  gallant  generals  reported  to  the  throne 
that  the  Gurkhas  had  tendered  their  allegiance  to  the 
Empire,  and  had  presented  tribute  as  an  offering  of 
peace. 

When  the  time  for  the  first  settlement  arrived  the 
Gurkhas  addressed  a letter  to  the  Chinese  Resident, 
requesting  payment  of  the  sum  agreed  upon.  By 
skilful  manoeuvring  the  Resident  evaded,  for  the  time 
being,  this  demand,  but  when  the  second  year’s 
subsidy  became  due,  his  blandishments  failed,  and 
the  Gurkhas  invaded  the  country  in  force.  The  rich 
city  of  Tashilumbo,  or  “Mountain  of  Blessings,” 
where  resided  the  Saint  Tsungpa,  was  their  objective. 
The  position  of  the  city  is  by  nature  strong,  being 
protected  on  one  side  by  the  “ Much-winding”  River, 
and  on  the  other  by  a range  of  precipitous  mountains. 
If  the  Lamas,  who  numbered  several  thousand,  had 
seriously  undertaken  the  defence  of  the  sacred  city, 
they  would,  without  question,  have  been  able  to  hold 


FALL  OF  TASHILUMBO 


169 


it  against  the  assault  of  the  Gurkhas.  But  these  holy 
men  being  debilitated  by  their  religious  calling,  and 
being  disinclined  to  fight,  discovered  that  the  omens 
were  favourable,  and  that  the  fact  of  the  “ Mother  of 
Heaven  ” having  taken  the  city  under  her  special 
protection  made  it  unnecessary  for  them  to  bestir 
themselves.  The  result  was  that  Tashilumbo  fell  an 
easy  prey  to  the  invader,  and  that  those  who  should 
have  defended  it  were  either  dispersed  or  slain.  The 
news  of  this  defeat  completely  upset  the  proverbial 
calm  of  the  Dalai  Lama,  who  not  unnaturally  feared 
that  the  same  fate  which  had  overtaken  the  “ Moun- 
tain of  Blessings  ” might  be  shared  by  the  holy  city 
of  Lhasa.  The  gods  not  having  interfered  for  the 
protection  of  the  divine  soil  of  Tibet  he,  in  his  diffi- 
culty, turned  to  Peking  for  help,  and  it  so  happened 
that  at  the  moment  when  his  appeal  reached  Ch’ien- 
lung.  Pa  Chung  was  commanding  the  escort  which 
was  accompanying  the  Emperor  to  Jehol.  The 
position  was  further  complicated,  from  Pa  Chung’s 
point  of  view,  by  the  fact  that  a revelation  was  at 
the  same  time  made  of  the  compact  entered  into 
between  him  and  the  Gurkhas.  Feeling  incapable 
of  facing  the  inevitable  inquiry  he  escaped  from  the 
dilemma  by  committing  suicide,  and  his  mouth  being 
thus  closed  his  two  late  colleagues  promptly  dis- 
claimed all  participation  in  the  arrangement  which 
had  been  come  to,  and  denounced  Pa  Chung  as 
an  arch  traitor.  The  answer  to  these  disclaimers 
was  an  order  to  those  who  made  them  to 
march  at  once  into  Tibet  and  to  drive  out  the 
invaders.  In  order  to  make  victory  certain,  how- 


I/O 


THE  REIGN  OF  CH'iEXLUXG 


ever,  General  Fu  K’angan  was  appointed  Com- 
mander-in-chief, with  directions  to  collect  IManchu 
troops  and  trained  colonists  to  attack  the  enemy. 
A considerable  share  of  blame  was  attached  by  the 
Emperor  to  the  late  Resident  in  Tibet,  who,  to 
expiate  his  offences,  was  sentenced  to  march  at  the 
head  of  the  troops,  wearing  on  his  neck  a Canque,  or 
heavy  wooden  collar. 

oMeanwhile  the  Gurkhas,  who  had  taken  part  in  the 
corrupt  negotiations  of  peace,  had  returned  to  Nepal 
with  their  plunder,  leaving  only  a thousand  men  to 
guard  the  frontier.  So  pusillanimous  were  the  Chinese 
generals  on  the  spot  that  they  neither  interfered  with 
these  “ gorged  vagrants  ” as  the  Chinese  historian 
calls  them,  nor  attacked  the  insignificant  force  left  to 
oppose  them.  In  the  following  \-ear,  however.  General 
Fu  entered  ulterior  Tibet  from  Kokonor,  and  having 
defeated  the  Gurkha  frontier  force,  invaded  Nepal. 
For  strategic  reasons  he  divided  his  arm\"  into  three 
columns,  the  centre  one  being  under  his  personal 
command.  The  generals  commanding  the  right  and 
left  columns  had  orders  to  push  on  and  turn  the 
flanks  of  any  force  that  might  be  opposing  the  main 
advance.  But  from  the  first  the  Gurkhas  showed 
rather  signs  of  retreating  than  of  advancing,  and  as 
they  retired  the}'  sought  to  impede  the  enem\'’s  move- 
ments b\'  destroying  the  suspension  and  other  bridges 
which  crossed  the  mountain  torrents  in  those  highland 
districts.  Though  these  tactics  dela\’ed  the  Chinese 
advance.  General  Fu  pushed  persistently  on,  and 
inflicted  several  severe  defeats  on  the  enem\^  The 
Gurkhas  were  now  thoroughly  alarmed,  and  sent 


SC/BA//SS/O.V  OB  ThB  GVRKHAS 


I7I 


messengers  to  beg  for  peace.  But  Fu  was  inexorable, 
and  in  spite  of  the  stubborn  opposition  of  the  Gurkhas 
at  points  of  vantage,  he  succeeded  in  reaching  within 
striking  distance  of  the  capital,  Khatmandu.  This 
advance  completed  the  demoralisation  of  the  Gurkha 
army,  and  the  approach  of  winter,  when  a retreat 
through  the  mountain  passes  of  Nepal  and  Tibet 
must  necessarily  have  been  attended  with  difficulty 
and  danger,  inclined  General  Fu  to  listen  to  renewed 
pleading  for  peace.  Finally,  this  was  granted,  and  Fu 
retired,  after  having  received  the  submission  of  the 
Gurkha  chiefs,  who  declared  their  country  to  be  tribu- 
tary to  China.  From  that  day  to  this  tribute  missions  in 
compliance  with  this  treaty  have  without  fail  wended 
their  weary  way  through  the  wastes  of  Tibet  to 
Peking,  at  the  stated  intervals  agreed  upon. 


VI 

THE  OPENING  OF  DIPLOMATIC  INTERCOURSE 
WITH  CHINA 

The  reign  of  Ch’ienlung  was  now  drawing  to  its 
close,  but  before  he  abdicated,  in  1796,  an  event 
occurred  which  opened  new  relations  between  the 
West  and  China.  Up  to  this  time  the  relations  of 
foreigners  with  the  Chinese  Government  had  been  in 
a most  unsatisfactory  condition,  although  England 
had  attempted  on  many  occasions  so  to  open  diplo- 
matic intercourse  as  to  secure  to  her  subjects  at  least 
the  rights  and  privileges  belonging  to  traders  in 
foreign  lands.  So  long  ago  as  the  reign  of  Queen 
Elizabeth  an  expedition  was  sent  out  under  John 
Mildenhall  to  open  trading  relations  with  the  Celestial 
Empire.  The  mission  was  a failure,  but,  nothing 
daunted,  Charles  I.  granted  a Charter  to  a body  of 
English  merchants  empowering  them  to  form  an 
official  company  to  promote  commerce  with  the 
Chinese.  In  pursuance  of  this  right.  Captain  Weddell 
in  1635  reached  Macao  in  command  of  a small  trading 
fleet.  The  Portuguese,  whose  Government  had  pro- 
mised to  support  the  British  venture,  threw,  however, 

172 


OPENING  OF  TRADE 


73 


every  obstacle  in  the  way  of  the  English  captain,  who 
at  length  wearied  out  by  the  obstructions  offered  by 
the  Portuguese,  and  the  subterfuges  of  the  mandarins, 
determined  to  advance  in  his  boats  to  Canton.  When 
passing  the  Bogue  Forts  on  his  way  up  the  river, 
a battery  suddenly  opened  fire  on  his  flotilla,  upon 
which  he  at  once  determined  to  inflict  punishment  on 
the  authors  of  this  attack.  Having  moved  his  ships 
into  position  opposite  the  forts,  he  hoisted  a red 
flag,  and  opened  fire  on  the  batteries.  The  Chinese 
gunners,  unaccustomed  to  such  reprisals,  soon  ceased 
to  reply  to  the  English  guns.  Weddell  thereupon 
landed  a force,  took  possession  of  the  forts,  and  hoisted 
the  British  colours  over  them. 

This  kind  of  argument  had  the  effect  which  it 
always  has  had  upon  the  Chinese.  Negotiations  were 
opened  at  once,  and  the  right  to  trade  was  granted  on 
condition  that  the  guns  captured  from  the  Bogue 
Forts  should  be  returned.  Very  little  however  re- 
sulted from  this  agreement.  The  exactions  imposed 
by  the  Chinese  on  all  imports  and  exports  were  so 
excessive  that  the  Company  felt  it  almost  useless  to 
attempt  to  carry  on  a trade.  During  the  piratical 
rule,  however,  of  Koxinga’s  son  at  Formosa  and 
Amoy,  some  privileges  of  value  were  granted  to 
English  traders,  and  in  1678  the  trade  at  the  two 
places  was  valued  at  something  like  60,000  dollars. 
Three  years  later,  however,  the  Company  withdrew 
from  these  ports,  and  established  a single  factory  at 
Canton.  Subsequently  Mr.  Catchpoole  was  appointed 
Consul  in  China,  and  in  1701  succeeded  in  inducing 
the  Chinese  to  allow  ships  to  trade  at  Ningpo.  But 


174  DIPLOMATIC  IXTERCOURSE  WITH  CHINA 


again  the  extortions  of  the  mandarins  destroyed  the 
expected  profit  of  the  venture,  and  at  Canton  equally 
grievous  burdens  were  tending  to  make  trade  im- 
possible. The  duty  on  imports  was  increased  to  i6 
per  cent.,  and  heav\'  exactions  were  demanded  in 
exchange  for  the  right  of  provisioning  the  ships.  An 
appeal  against  these  disabilities  was  made  to  the 
Governor  of  Canton  in  person,  but  though  some  tem- 
porary relief  was  granted,  the  system  which  had  been 
adopted  of  farming  out  the  foreign  trade  to  a small 
company  of  native  merchants  had  proved  so  con- 
venient to  the  authorities  that,  though  it  practically 
entailed  the  evils  complained  of,  it  was  again  reverted 
to,  while  an  additional  dut\’  of  lo  per  cent,  upon  all 
exports  was  further  imposed.  Such  was  the  position 
of  things  when  Ch’ienlung  ascended  the  throne,  and 
one  of  the  first  acts  of  his  long  and  glorious  reign  was 
the  remission  of  this  extra  burden.  The  Emperor, 
however,  coupled  the  concession  with  the  demand  that 
the  foreign  merchants  should  listen  to  his  gracious 
message  on  their  knees,  and  should  give  up  all  the 
arms  which  they  possessed  on  board  their  ships. 
Happily  the  merchants  refused  to  buy  the  Imperial 
favour  b}"  such  observances,  and  they  neither  bowed 
the  knee  nor  gave  up  their  guns  at  Ch’ienlung’s 
bidding.  Though  hampered  by  vexatious  regulations 
and  impoverished  by  extortions,  the  foreign  trade  at 
Canton  made  some  headway,  and  it  is  stated  that  in 
the  year  of  Ch’ienlung’s  accession  there  were  anchored 
at  that  port  four  English,  two  Erench,  two  Dutch,  one 
Danish,  and  one  Swedish  vessel.  In  1742  H.M.S. 
Centurion^  commanded  by  Commodore  Anson,  the 


adventurous  trader 


i;5 

first  British  man-of-war  which  had  ever  visited  China, 
arrived  at  Macao.  With  an  even  hand  the  Chinese 
sought  to  inflict  on  the  Commodore  the  same  petty 
annoyances  as  those  to  which  the  merchants  were 
accustomed.  He  was  refused  provisions  for  his  ship, 
an  unfriendly  act  which  he  met  by  demanding  an 
interview  with  the  Governor,  and  by  refusing  to  leave 
the  river  until  he  had  been  supplied  with  all  necessary 
requirements. 

With  the  shortsighted  policy  which  has  always 
distinguished  the  conduct  of  the  Chinese  towards 
foreigners,  the  authorities  at  Canton,  instead  of  trying 
to  foster  the  trade  which  was  already  enriching  the 
native  officials  and  merchants,  continued  to  heap 
burdens  upon  it,  until  they  nearly  succeeded  in  starving 
out  the  European  traders.  As  at  present  is  the  case  with 
the  Likin  duties,  the  mandarins,  at  that  time,  were 
risking,  for  the  sake  of  an  immediate  temporary  gain, 
the  future  and  increasing  profit  which  might  legiti- 
mately be  expected  to  accrue  to  them.  So  discou- 
raged were  the  foreigners  at  this  attitude  of  the  Canton 
authorities,  that  they  again  attempted  to  open  a trade 
with  Amoy  and  Ningpo.  In  neither  case,  however, 
was  the  enterprise  successful,  and,  in  1759,  Mr.  Flint, 
who  had  been  sent  to  Ningpo  as  a pioneer  of  com- 
merce, finding  commercial  relations  impossible  at  that 
port,  took  ship  in  a native  vessel  for  Tientsin,  from 
which  place  he  communicated  a memorial  to  the 
Emperor,  showing  the  position  of  affairs.  So  enter- 
prising a foreigner  was  evidently  one  to  be  got  rid  of, 
and  by  way  of  an  answer  he  was  ordered  to  return  to 
Canton  in  the  company  of  a mandarin  appointed  to 


1/6  DIPLOMATIC  INTERCOURSE  WITH  CHINA 

escort  him.  Ostensibly,  however,  he  had  gained  much 
that  he  had  sought  for.  All  duties  over  6 per  cent, 
were  remitted,  and  illegal  exactions  were  forbidden. 

According  to  the  Chinese  custom  in  such  matters, 
the  Governor  of  the  city  desired  to  communicate  the 
Emperor’s  orders  to  Mr.  Flint  in  person.  Fortunately 
for  that  gentleman  he  was  accompanied  on  the 
occasion  by  some  of  his  own  countrymen,  for,  to 
the  extreme  astonishment  of  himself  and  his  friends, 
they  were,  without  notice,  forcibly  hurried  into  the 
Governor’s  presence,  where  the  official  myrmidons 
tried  to  compel  them  to  do  homage  on  their  knees 
after  the  Chinese  manner.  The  Englishmen  resisted 
this  violence,  and  with  such  determination  that,  at 
length,  the  Governor  ordered  his  men  to  desist  from 
what  seemed  likely  to  prove  an  unsuccessful  struggle. 
He  then  bade  Mr.  Flint  advance,  and  showing  him  a 
paper  which  purported  to  be  an  Imperial  edict,  he 
informed  him  that  he  was  to  be  banished  to  Macao, 
and  subsequently  to  be  deported  to  England  as  a 
punishment  for  having  endeavoured  to  open  a trade 
at  Ningpo  contrary  to  orders  from  Peking.  This 
sentence  was  carried  out  in  its  entirety,  and  the 
Chinaman  who  had  written  the  petition  which  had 
been  presented  to  the  Emperor,  was  beheaded  for 
having  traitorously  encouraged  a foreigner. 

It  is  difficult  to  understand  how  the  foreign  resi- 
dents at  Canton  could  have  put  up  with  the  insults 
to  which  they  were  now  daily  subjected.  “ The 
barbarians  are  like  beasts,  and  are  not  to  be  ruled 
on  the  same  principles  as  ordinary  men,”  said  the 
Chinese  ; and,  to  give  them  their  due,  they  certainly 


AI\7  ENGLISHMAN  STRANGLED 


177 


acted  up  to  their  opinions.  'Phe  handful  of  foreigners, 
who  were  constantly  threatened  by  the  millions  of 
natives  by  whom  they  were  surrounded,  were  power- 
less to  resist  successfully  the  indignities  which  were 
heaped  upon  them,  and  some  lamentable  instances 
occurred  in  which  gross  injustice  resulted  to  indi- 
viduals from  the  inequality  of  the  opposing  forces. 
In  1784,  on  the  occasion  of  a salute  being  fired  from 
an  English  ship,  a Chinaman  was  accidentally  killed 
by  a shot  which  had  been  carelessly  left  in  the  gun. 
The  authorities  immediately  demanded  that  the  man 
who  fired  the  gun  should  be  handed  over  to  them  for 
punishment.  Having  a shrewd  suspicion  that  this 
demand  would  be  refused,  the  Chinese  strengthened 
their  hands  by  the  adoption  of  a subterfuge.  They 
seized  the  supercargo  of  another  vessel,  and  gave 
formal  notice  that  his  release  could  only  be  obtained 
by  the  surrender  of  the  gunner.  The  supercargo 
was  well  treated  in  his  confinement,  and,  believing 
that  the  object  of  the  mandarins  in  desiring  the 
gunner’s  presence  was  merely  to  arriv^e  at  a full 
understanding  of  the  case,  he  wrote  urging  that  the 
man  should  be  sent.  Unfortunately  this  was  done. 
The  supercargo  was  instantly  released  and  the  gunner 
was  strangled.  Happily  this  is  the  only  case  in  which 
an  Englishman,  under  similar  circumstances,  has  been 
handed  over  to  the  tender  mercies  of  the  Chinese,  and 
it  may  be  safely  assumed  that  it  will  be  the  last. 

Enough  has  been  said  to  show  how  extremely 
unsatisfactory  were  the  relations  between  China  and 
the  East  India  Company  during  the  last  century. 
The  whole  position  was  so  derogatory  to  England, 

13 


1/8  DIPLOMATIC  INTERCOURSE  WITH  CHINA 


and  was  so  full  of  profitless  difficulties  to  the  mer- 
chants themselves,  that  the  serious  attention  of  the 
English  Government  was  directed  to  the  situation, 
and  it  was  finally  decided  to  send  a special  Ambassa- 
dor to  the  Court  of  Peking  to  arrange  terms  on  which 
the  natives  of  the  two  countries  might  live  together 
in  peace  and  amity.  In  1788  Colonel  Cathcart  was 
appointed  to  this  office.  Unhappily,  however,  he 
died  before  reaching  China,  and  four  years  later 
Lord  Macartney  was  nominated  to  succeed  him. 
Great  preparations  were  made  to  confer  dignity  on 
this  mission,  and  presents  of  every  sort  were  collected 
to  serve  as  tokens  of  the  friendly  feeling  of  the  third 
George  towards  the  aged  Emperor.  On  arriving  off 
the  coast  of  the  Cekstial  Empire,  Lord  Macartney 
was  met  with  every  sign  of  consideration  and  good- 
will, and  pilots  were  waiting  in  readiness  to  steer 
H.M.S.  Lio7i  through  the  straits  of  Formosa  north- 
ward to  the  mouth  of  the  Peiho.  There  Lord 
INIacartney  was  received  by  a special  Commissioner 
of  high  rank,  who  bade  him  welcome  in  the  name 
of  his  Imperial  master.  On  the  shores  of  the  river, 
where,  in  1859,  British  soldiers  and  sailors  were 
treacherously  fired  on  from  the  neighbouring  forts, 
were  collected  gifts  and  provisions  for  presentation 
to  “ the  great  mandarin,  who,”  as  Ch’ienlung  said, 
“ had  come  so  far  to  testify  the  friendly  feelings  of 
England  towards  China.”  Twenty  bullocks,  a hun- 
dred and  twenty  sheep,  a hundred  and  twenty  pigs, 
and  countless  other  provender,  were  provided  for  the 
food  of  the  Englishmen.  A fleet  of  yacht-like  vessels, 
numbers  of  vehicles,  and  numerous  horses  were  held 


CHINESE  DINNEK-PAKTY. 


l80  DIPLOMATIC  IXTERCOURSE  WITH  CHINA 


in  readiness  to  convey  the  Embassy  to  Tientsin. 
Preferring  to  go  by  water,  a specially  commodious 
vessel  was  prepared  for  Lord  [Macartney,  while  sixteen 
other  boats  provided  accommodation  for  the  members 
of  the  mission  and  the  escort.  At  Tientsin  the 
Embassy  was  royally  entertained,  and  during  their 
stay  at  that  port  dramas  were  continuously  acted  for 
their  amusement  in  a temporary  theatre  erected  on 
the  shore  opposite  their  vessels.  After  a further 
voyage  Lord  [Macartney  reached  Tungchow,  the 
port  of  Peking.  Here  preparations  were  made  for 
the  land  journey  to  the  capital,  and  here  also  dis- 
cussions were  renewed  as  to  the  etiquette  to  be 
observed  on  the  Ambassador  being  presented  to 
the  Emperor.  As  has  alread)'  been  shown,  the 
Chinese  have  persistently  attempted  to  induce  all 
foreign  envo\’s  to  k’ot’ow  when  entering  the  presence 
of  the  “ Son  of  Heaven.”  It  was  part  of  the  duty  of 
the  Imperial  Commissioner  attached  to  the  Embassy 
to  induce  Lord  Macartney  to  perform  this  degrading 
ceremony,  and  he  used  his  best  endeavours  to  carry 
his  point.  But  Lord  [Macartne\’,  who  had  received 
positive  instructions  on  the  subject  before  leaving 
England,  distinctly  declined  to  yield,  unless  a 
Chinese  official  of  equal  rank  with  himself  would 
k’ot’ow  before  the  portrait  of  the  English  King. 
This  condition  was  referred  to  Ch’ienlung,  who, 
recognising  the  uselessness  of  continuing  the  dis- 
cussion, had  the  wisdom  to  allow  the  matter  to  drop. 

The  transportation  of  the  presents  from  Tungchow 
to  Peking  was  a matter  of  some  difficulty.  They 
varied  in  size  from  carriages  to  watches,  and  some 


A CHINESE  COOLIE. 

horses,  and  three  thousand  men  were  employed  to 
carry  them.  It  speaks  well  for  the  manner  in 


LORD  macartney's  PRESENTS  l8l 

idea  of  their  number  may  be  gauged  from  the  fact 
that  ninety  waggons,  forty  barrows,  two  hundred 


I §2  DIPLOMATIC  INTERCOURSE  WITH  CHINA 

which  they  were  packed,  that,  though  many  were 
fragile,  they  all  arrived  safely  at  the  house  pre- 
pared for  the  Ambassador  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
the  Summer  Palace  of  Yuan-ming-yuan. 

As  the  members  of  the  mission  entered  the  gates 
of  Peking,  on  their  way  to  their  destination,  a salute 
of  guns  was  fired  in  their  honour,  and  every  courtesy 
was  extended  to  them.  Ch’ienlung  was  at  this  time 
at  Jehol,  in  Mongolia,  and  as  it  was  plainly  impossible 
to  carry  the  presents  thither,  it  was  agreed  that  they 
should  be  arranged  in  the  throne-room  of  the  palace 
at  Peking  to  await  the  inspection  of  His  Imperial 
Majesty  on  his  return  to  the  capital.  The  presence 
of  Lord  Macartney  in  this  room  of  State  suggested 
a recurrence  of  the  v^exed  question  of  the  k’ot’ow, 
and  the  Minister  Ho,  who  was  especially  appointed 
to  entertain  the  English  Ambassador,  was  persistent 
in  his  endeavours  to  reopen  the  question.  Lord 
Macartney,  however,  was  firm,  and  explained  that 
a derogatory  action  on  the  part  of  an  Ambassador 
was  in  Europe  regarded  as  a derogatory  action  on 
the  part  of  the  Ambassador’s  Sovereign,  and  empha- 
sised the  point  by  describing  how  Timagoras,  a 
Greek  ambassador  to  the  Court  of  Persia,  was 
executed  on  his  return  to  Athens  for  having  sub- 
mitted to  discourtesy  at  the  Court  of  Teheran. 
Lord  Macartney  further  took  this  opportunity  of 
expostulating  with  Ho  about  the  impertinent  legend 
which  had  been  inscribed  on  the  flag  of  the  vessel  on 
which  he  had  voyaged  up  the  Peiho,  and  which  had 
described  him  as  a “ Tribute-Bearer  from  the  country 
of  England.” 


LORD  MACARTNEY  AT  JEHOL  1 83 

So  soon  as  was  practicable,  that  is  to  say,  on  the 
2nd  of  September,  1793,  the  Embassy  started  for 
Jehol,  Lord  Macartney  travelling  in  an  English 
postchaise.  On  the  fourth  day  they  reached  the 
Great  Wall,  where  a strong  guard  of  soldiers  was 
drawn  up  to  do  them  honour.  Three  days  later 
they  reached  Jehol,  where  they  were  accommodated 
in  one  of  the  most  spacious  houses  in  the  town. 
After  many  discussions  with  Ho  an  audience  was 
arranged  for  the  fourteenth  of  the  month.  The 
Chinese  have  a most  uncomfortable  habit  of  hold- 
ing their  State  ceremonies  at  daybreak,  and  it  is 
part  of  the  etiquette  that  those  attending  such 
functions  should  be  in  waiting  some  hours  before 
the  appointed  time.  Fortunately  on  this  occasion 
the  temperature  was  mild,  and  therefore  no  serious 
inconvenience  was  suffered  ; but  in  the  winter  season 
not  the  least  arduous  part  of  a Minister’s  duty  is  to 
wait  at  the  early  hours  of  the  morning  in  cold,  fire- 
less rooms  for  the  honour  of  a momentary  conver- 
sation with  the  “ Son  of  Heaven.”  A tent  set  in  the 
garden  of  the  palace  formed  the  Court  of  Audience, 
and  so  soon  as  Ch’ienlung  had  mounted  the  throne. 
Lord  Macartney,  with  a number  of  envoys  from 
tributary  states,  was  admitted  into  the  presence. 
It  had  been  arranged  that  he  should  offer  precisely 
the  same  homage  to  the  Emperor  as  he  was  accus- 
tomed to  offer  to  his  own  Sovereign.  As  he  advanced, 
therefore,  to  the  throne,  he  knelt  on  one  knee,  and, 
raising  the  gold  box  which  contained  the  King’s 
letter  with  both  hands  above  his  head,  he  presented 
it  to  Ch’ienlung,  who,  taking  it  from  his  hands,  in- 


184  DIPLOMATIC  INTERCOURSE  WITH  CHINA 

quired  as  to  the  health  of  the  English  Sovereign, 
at  the  same  time  expressing  gratification  that  he 
should  have  sent  his  Ambassador  to  so  distant  a 
Court.  In  the  course  of  the  conversation  which 
followed  there  occurred  a difficulty  in  interpreting, 
and  in  reply  to  a question  put  from  the  throne, 
Ch’ienlung  was  informed  that  the  only  member  of 
the  Embassy  who  spoke  Chinese  was  George 
Staunton,  the  Ambassador’s  page,  aged  thirteen. 
Ch’ienlung  ordered  the  lad  to  be  presented  to  him, 
and,  being  pleased  with  the  boy’s  manner  and  appear- 
ance, took  his  purse  from  his  belt  and  presented  it 
to  him. 

Subsequently  a feast  was  spread,  when  the  seat  of 
honour  was  given  to  Lord  Macartney  with  whom  the 
Emperor  exchanged  civilities,  and  to  whom  he  sent 
dainty  morsels  of  food  and  wine  from  his  own  table. 
So  far,  however,  the  object  of  the  mission  had  not 
been  advanced  one  iota.  The  audience  had  been 
merely  formal,  and  in  his  conversations  with  the 
Minister  Ho,  Lord  Macartney  had  found  it  impos- 
sible to  discuss  at  length  the  main  issues ' between 
them.  Ho  was  a typical  Oriental  courtier,  subtle, 
polite,  and  apparently  ingenuous.  He  possessed,  also, 
a full  share  of  that  Oriental  diplomacy  which  enables 
Chinese  negotiators  to  avoid  disagreeable  topics.  In 
other  respects,  too,  he  was  a typical  Eastern  states- 
man. “ Born  in  the  garret,  in  the  kitchen  bred,”  he 
happened  on  one  occasion  to  attract  the  Emperor’s 
attention  by  his  courtly  bearing  and  handsome 
presence.  With  unusual  rapidity,  he  was  advanced 
from  office  to  office  until  he  reached  the  highest  rung 


ILL-GOTTEN  GAINS 


85 


of  the  ladder.  So  long  as  Ch’ienlung  lived,  he 
maintained  his  position,  but  evil  da*ys  fell  upon 
him  when  Chiach’ing  succeeded  to  the  throne.  The 
new  Emperor  had  long  disapproved  of  the  unlimited 
power  which  Ho  had  exercised.  He  knew,  also,  that 
he  had  acquired  immense  wealth  in  other  ways  than 
by  the  lawful  rewards  of  his  official  position,  and 
Ch’ienlung  was  therefore,  no  sooner  gathered  to  his 
fathers  than  Ho  was  arrested  on  a long  series  of 
charges  embracing  malpractices  in  every  relation 
of  life.  The  amount  of  wealth  discovered  in  his 
palace  must  have  been  a surprise  even  to  his  judges. 
Gold,  silver,  and  jewels  to  the  value  of  .^23,330,000 
were  discovered  in  his  treasury.  This  alone  was 
enough  to  convict  him  of  the  gravest  crimes,  and 
from  a Chinese  point  of  view,  to  justify  the  sentence 
passed  upon  him,  of  being  cut  to  pieces.  In  con- 
sideration however  of  his  long  service  the  Emperor 
was  graciously  pleased  to  commute  this  cruel  fate 
for  the  present  of  a silken  cord,  which  brought  the 
nefarious  career  of  this  illustrious  culprit  to  a close. 

But  though  corrupt  and  officially  dishonest  Ho  was 
an  agreeable  companion,  and  made  an  exceptionally 
good  cicerone  on  the  occasion  when,  at  the  Emperor’s 
invitation.  Lord  Macartney  visited  the  Palace  Gardens 
at  Jehol.  Indeed  on  this  day  he,  in  the  exercise  of 
friendship,  exerted  himself  unduly,  and  was  indebted 
for  the  recovery  from  his  fatigues  to  the  kindly 
attention  of  the  doctor  of  the  English  Embassy. 
One  other  entertainment,  which  again  took  place  at 
the  very  uncomfortable  hour  of  sunrise,  brought  the 
Imperial  hospitalities  to  an  end,  and,  on  the  21st  of 


86  DIPLOMATIC  INTERCOURSE  WITH  CHINA 


September,  Lord  Macartney  left  Jehol  for  Peking. 
After  some  weeks’ stay  in  that  capital  it  was  arranged 
that  he  should  leave  for  the  south,  and  the  exigences 
of  his  position  obliged  him  to  accept  the  route  laid 
down  b}'  the  Chinese.  This  entailed  a long  land 
journey  through  the  provinces  of  Shantung,  Kiangsu, 
Chehkiang,  and  Fuhkien  to  Canton,  where  he  arrived 
on  the  19th  of  December.  He  eventually  reached 
England  on  September  5,  1794. 

It  is  impossible  to  study  the  history  of  Lord 
Macartney’s  mission  without  observing  the  con- 
sistent political  hostility  towards  foreign  nations 
which  was  shown  by  the  Chinese  Government,  at 
the  same  time  that  much  good-will  towards  the 
Ambassador  personally  was  displayed  by  the  Emperor 
and  some  of  the  officials.  No  commercial  privileges 
resulted  from  Lord  ^Macartney’s  negotiations,  and 
the  ill-concealed  contempt  of  most  of  those  with 
whom  he  was  brought  into  contact  marks  but 
too  clearly  the  spirit  of  exclusive  jealousy  which 
has  guided,  and  is  still  guiding,  the  policy  of  the 
Peking  Cabinet.  The  impertinent  inscription  on  the 
Ambassador’s  flag,  the  facts  that  though  treated  with 
personal  respect  he  was  guarded  as  a prisoner  ; that 
those  of  the  mission  who  remained  at  Peking  during 
his  absence  at  Jehol  were  practically  confined  to  the 
house,  and  were  not  allowed  even  to  receive  visits 
from  the  European  missionaries  in  the  capital  ; that 
the  tedious  land  journey  from  the  north  to  the  south 
of  the  Empire  was  unnecessarily  inflicted  upon  him, 
all  point  to  the  same  supercilious  regard  which  it 
is  the  habit  of  the  Celestials  to  entertain  towards 


Cf/lENLUNG  ABDICATES 


187 

foreigners.  The  Chinese  have  habitually  assumed 
such  a distant  and  lofty  attitude  towards  Europeans 
that  they  have  by  force  of  insistence  succeeded  to 
some  extent  in  inducing  these  to  accept  them  at  their 
own  valuation.  In  this  attitude  they  have  been 
strengthened  by  the  fact  that  unfortunately  the 
“ Outer  Barbarians  ” have  invariably  appeared  as 
suppliants  for  favours  to  come,  and  that  they  have 
been  always  the  dispensers  of  privileges  for  which 
they  have  not  asked  anything  in  return.  Lord 
Macartney  was  doubtless  pleased  and  surprised  at 
the  reception  which  he  met  with  at  the  hands  of 
the  “ Son  of  Heaven,”  and  he  was  not  inclined  to 
observe  too  closely  the  political  conduct  of  his  enter- 
tainers. He  was  received  as  an  envoy  from  a 
superior  Tributary  S"ate,  and  he  was  treated  as 
such ; and  all  that  he  succeeded  in  exacting  from 
the  Government  was  a permission  that  his  country- 
men might  trade  at  Canton  on  sufferance,  so  long  as 
they  obeyed  the  orders  of  the  authorities.  Under 
the  circumstances  it  was  quite  impossible  that  he 
should  have  gained  any  diplomatic  success.  Con- 
cessions are  only  to  be  obtained  from  the  Chinese 
by  successes  in  the  field,  or  by  such  a display  of 
power  as  would  command  success  ; Lord  Macartney 
had  neither  of  these  sources  of  authority  at  his  back, 
and  the  result  which  followed  was  inevitable. 

In  179b  Ch’ienlung  abdicated  in  favour  of  his  son 
Chiach’ing,  and  three  years  later  (February  8,  1799) 
be  became  a “guest  in  heaven.”  The  native  historians 
state  with  justice  that  during  the  sixty  years  of  his 
reign  the  Empire  reached  its  acme  of  greatness.  From 


1 88  DIPLOMATIC  INTERCOURSE  WITH  CHINA 

the  northern  steppes  of  Mongolia  to  Cochin  China, 
and  from  Formosa  to  Nepal,  the  Chinese  armies  had 
fought  and  conquered.  Upwards  of  four  hundred 
million  of  the  human  race  had  obeyed  the  commands 
of  the  great  Emperor,  and  in  no  instance  had  his  foes 
been  able  to  inflict  more  than  a temporary  defeat 
upon  his  troops. 


VII 

THE  REIGN  OF  CIIIACH’LNG,  AND  THE  FIRST  YEARS 
OF  HIS  SUCCESSOR 

To  the  splendid  heritage  bequeathed  byCh’ienlung 
his  son  Chiach’ing  succeeded,  and  this  change  at  once 
produced  unfortunate  results.  The  late  sovereign  was 
to  his  successor  as  Hyperion  to  a satyr  ; the  gracious 
presence,  courteous  manner,  and  marked  ability  which 
belonged  to  Ch’ienlung  were  exchanged  for  churlish 
conduct,  a sordid  disposition,  and  an  uncouth  bear- 
ing in  the  case  of  Chiach’ing.  The  reins  of  Empire, 
which  for  sixty  years  had  been  guided  by  the  judicious 
hands  of  the  father,  were  no  sooner  seized  upon  by 
his  degenerate  son  than  the  forces  of  disorder  and 
riot  began  to  make  themselves  felt. 

It  is  a current  belief  in  China,  as  in  many  other 
lands,  that  the  appearance  of  a comet  forebodes  ill  to 
the  ruling  house,  and  history  tells  us  that,  during 
the  year  in  which  Chiach’ing  ascended  the  throne,  a 
“ broom-tailed  star  ” appeared  in  the  west,  and,  if  we 
are  to  believe  their  records,  remained  visible  for 
twelve  months.  Such  beliefs  as  this,  have  a way  of 
bringing  about  their  own  fulfilment,  and  it  is  possible 

189 


190 


THE  REIGN  OF  CHIACH'iNG 


that  the  leaders  of  the  “ White  Lily  ” Sect  took 
advantage  of  this  sign  in  the  sky  to  raise  the 
standard  of  revolt.  This  society  like  all  similar 
associations  in  China,  began  as  a purely  philanthropic 
institution,  intended  for  the  benefit  of  the  sick  and 
the  distressed.  By  degrees  more  ambitious  designs 
attracted  the  energies  of  the  leaders,  and,  on  the  ready 
excuse  of  friction  with  the  local  authorities,  a general 
revolt  broke  out  almost  simultaneously  in  the  provinces 
of  Honan,  Shensi,  Kansu,  and  Szech’uan,  in  which 
last  territory  the  ranks  of  the  society  were  largely 
recruited  from  the  disbanded  soldiers  of  the  Nepal 
campaign.  The  struggle  was  long  and  fierce,  and 
it  is  said  that,  in  one  province  alone,  between  twent\^ 
and  thirty  thousand  members  of  the  incriminated 
society  were  put  to  death,  while  the  Imperial 
Treasur}"  was  the  poorer  by  100,000,000  taels  at 
the  close  of  the  civil  war. 

A notable  feature  of  this  uprising  and  a marked 
evidence  of  the  unpopularity  of  Chiach’ing  was  the 
fact  that  as  part  of  the  movement  two  attempts  were 
publicly  made  to  assassinate  the  Emperor,  one  in  the 
streets  of  Peking,  and  the  other  in  the  private 
apartments  of  the  Imperial  Palace.  In  both  cases 
Chiach’ing  was  saved  by  the  courage  of  others  rather 
than  by  his  own  valour.  In  the  first  instance  the 
guards  attached  to  his  person,  with  the  help  of  the 
people  in  the  street,  prevented  the  assassins  from 
carr}dng  out  their  fell  intent,  and  on  the  other 
occasion  his  preservation  was  entirely  due  to  the 
presence  of  mind  and  courage  of  Prince  Mienning 
his  second  son,  who  subsequently  succeeded  him  as 


WOULD-BE  ASSASSINS 


I9I 

the  Emperor  Taokwang.  In  this  latter  instance  the 
assassins  forced  their  way  into  the  Imperial  precincts^ 
intent  on  finding  their  victim,  who,  according  to  some 
accounts,  was  not  at  the  moment  in  the  palace.  But 
however  that  may  be.  Prince  Mienning  shot  two  of 
the  would-be  assassins,  while  a relative,  who  happened 
to  be  with  him,  accounted  for  a third.  Chiach’ing’s 
own  description  of  the  occurrence  is  as  follows : 
“Suddenly  on  the  15th  of  the  9th  moon,  rebellion 
arose  under  my  own  arm.  ...  A banditti  of  upwards 
of  seventy  men  of  the  Sect  T’ienli  violated  the  pro- 
hibited gate  [of  the  palace] ; they  wounded  the 
guard  and  rushed  into  the  inner  palace.  Four  were 
seized  and  bound  ; three  others  ascended  the  wall 
with  a flag.  My  Imperial  second  son  seized  a match- 
lock and  shot  two  of  them  ; my  nephew  killed  the 
third.  For  this  deliverance  I am  indebted  to  the 
energies  of  my  second  son.” 

It  might  have  been  thought  that  as  Chiach’ing  had 
so  signally  failed  in  securing  the  regard  of  his  own 
countrymen  he  might  have  sought  the  alliance  of 
foreigners.  But  he  was  even  less  in  sympathy  with 
these  than  with  the  Changs  and  Lis  of  the  Middle 
Kingdom.  The  missionaries  to  whom  his  father  had 
shown  respect  and  kindliness,  were  dismissed  from 
the  Imperial  presence;  Father  Amiot,  who  had 
resided  in  Peking  for  thirty  years,  was  expelled 
from  the  capital,  and  the  traders  of  Canton  were 
made  pointedly  conscious  that  the  central  power 
was  against  them.  An  overbearing  attitude  was 
adopted  towards  Europeans  generall}',  and  no  velvet 
glove  concealed  the  mailed  fist  of  the  Emperor, 


THE  RE/GH  OE  CHIACH^ ING 


192 

except  on  occasions  when,  with  that  curious  mixture 
of  arrogance  and  suppliancy,  his  representatives 
besought  the  help  of  English  seamen  against  their 
domestic  enemies.  The  southern  coasts  of  China 
have  always  been  the  congenial  haunts  of  pirates. 
The  numberless  inlets  and  countless  islands  which 
line  the  coast  provide  conv^enient  and  safe  posts  from 
which  to  watch  for  prey  or  to  escape  from  pursuers. 
It  will  be  remembered  that  Koxinga  and  his  son 
practically  held  possession  of  the  southern  seaboard 
of  the  Empire  for  a considerable  period  of  years, 
and  under  the  unsympathetic  rule  of  Chiach’ing  a 
successor  to  these  leaders  appeared  in  the  person  of 
one  Ch’ai  who  harassed  the  native  shipping  and  even 
ventured  to  try  conclusions  with  English  vessels. 
Occasionally  he  attacked,  by  mistake,  boats  of  British 
men-of-war,  and  in  one  case  actually  threw  a large 
fishing  net  over  the  crew  and  boat  of  H.M.S.  Dover. 
The  boat  was  at  anchor  at  the  time  and  the  crew 
were  asleep,  but  aroused  by  the  onslaught  they  drew 
their  cutlasses,  disentangled  themselves  from  the 
meshes  of  the  net,  and  promptly  put  the  pirates 
to  flight.  Such  outrages  did  not  disturb  the  official 
conscience  of  his  mandarins,  but  an  event  happened 
shortly  afterwards  which  as  an  insult  to  the  Empire 
roused  even  the  dull  sense  of  honour  possessed  by 
the  authorities.  The  time  had  arrived  for  the  pay- 
ment of  the  Siamese  tribute,  and,  as  the  cargo  repre- 
sented by  this  act  of  fealty  was  known  to  be  a rich 
one,  the  pirates  prepared  to  attack  the  vessels,  and  to 
lay  violent  hands  on  the  presents  intended  for  the 
Imperial  use.  The  prospect  of  this  robbery  touched 


CHINA  APPEALS  FOP  HELP 


193 


the  Imperial  dignity,  and  a request  was  made  to  the 
English  at  Canton  that  they  would  fit  out  a vessel  to 
save  the  Siamese  fleet  from  the  fate  intended  for  it. 
The  English  consented,  and  a small  though  fit  crew 
manned  the  Mercury  for  the  venture.  The  result  was 
eminently  successful.  The  pirate  fleet  was  scattered 
to  the  four  winds  of  heaven,  and  the  Siamese  tribute 
was  carried  safely  to  Peking. 

This  is  the  first  but  by  no  means  the  only  instance 
in  which  English  courage  has  saved  Chinese  hoonur. 
The  process  has  since  been  constantly  repeated, 
notably  in  the  case  of  the  T’aip’ing  Rebellion,  the 
suppression  of  which  was  entirely  due  to  the  help 
afforded  by  England  to  the  Imperial  forces.  The 
Chinese  plume  themselves  on  being  a proud  nation, 
but  when  danger  threatens  they  descend  with  agility 
from  their  pedestal,  and  show  an  apt  facility  of  falling 
on  their  knees.  One  remarkable  instance  of  this 
curious  want  of  self-respect  was  furnished  during 
the  war  of  1857,  when  Yeh,  while  defending  Canton 
against  the  English,  had  the  craven  impertinence  to 
ask  help  from  his  foes  to  suppress  a native  rising 
against  his  rule. 

But  though  glad  of  help  from  English  ships,  the 
increase  in  the  number  of  men-of-war  visiting  Canton 
produced  a disturbing  influence  on  the  minds  of 
Chiach’ing  and  his  followers.  The  war  in  Europe 
made  it  increasingly  necessary  that  the  English 
men-of-war  should  be  available  for  the  protection  of 
British  trade,  and  the  seizure  of  Macao  in  1802,  and 
again  in  1813,  to  prevent  the  settlement  from  falling 
into  the  hands  of  the  I^rench,  produced  violent 

14 


194 


THE  REIGX  OE  CHIACHTNG 


remonstrances  from  the  mandarins  accompanied  by 
threats  that  the  trade  of  Canton  should  be  stopped 
if  the  port  were  not  evacuated.  The  same  hostile 
spirit  marked  the  few  communications  which  passed 
between  Peking  and  London  during  this  period.  A 
present  which  was  sent  to  an  official  who  had  been 
civil  in  his  dealings  with  Lord  Macartney  was 
returned  with  scant  courtesy,  and  a letter, 
addressed  by  Chiach’ing  to  George  III.,  was  marked 
by  all  the  stilted  arrogance  common  to  the  Chinese. 
“Your  Majesty’s  Kingdom,”  wrote  the  Emperor,  “ is 
at  a remote  distance  beyond  the  seas,  but  is  obser- 
vant of  its  duties  and  obedient  to  our  laws,  beholding 
from  afar  the  glory  of  our  Empire,  and  respectfully 
admiring  the  perfection  of  our  government.  Your 
Majesty  has  despatched  messengers  with  letters 
for  our  perusal  ; we  find  that  they  are  dictated  by 
appropriate  sentiments  of  esteem  and  veneration  ; 
and  being  therefore  inclined  to  fulfil  the  wishes  of 
Your  Majesty,  we  have  determined  to  accept  the 
whole  of  the  accompanying  offering.  With  regard 
to  those  of  Your  Majesty’s  subjects  who  for  a long 
course  of  years  have  been  in  the  habit  of  trading  with 
our  Empire,  we  must  observe  to  you  that  our 
Celestial  Government  regards  all  persons  and  nations 
with  eyes  of  charity  and  benevolence,  and  always 
treats  and  considers  your  subjects  with  the  utmost 
indulgence  and  affection ; on  their  account,  therefore, 
there  can  be  no  place  or  occasion  for  the  exertions  of 
Your  Majesty’s  Government.” 

Being  of  very  inferior  ability  to  his  father 
Chiach’ing  had  none  of  the  breadth  of  mind  which 


RUSSIA  AND  THE  ROTOW 


95 


suggested  to  Ch’ienlung  the  toleration  which  distin- 
guished that  Emperor’s  reign.  Being  uncertain  of 
the  respect  of  those  about  him,  he  was  more  puncti- 
lious as  to  outward  forms  and  ceremonies.  A lack  of 
the  spirit  of  veneration  is  often  supplied  by  additional 
scrupulousness  about  the  minutiae  of  ritual.  Ch’ien- 
lung  had  looked  upon  the  k’ot’ow  as  an  obeisance 
commonly  due  to  him,  but  in  receiving  Lord 
Macartney’s  mission  he  was  wise  enough  to  recog- 
nise that  it  might  be  given  up  without  any  loss  of 
dignity  on  his  part.  His  son  had  no  such  width  of 
view  and  insisted  that  any  one  entering  his  presence, 
whether  a native  or  a foreigner,  should  perform  that 
particular  sort  of  debasement  before  his  throne.  His 
persistence  in  this  matter  wrecked  two  embassies  to 
his  Court.  In  1805  a Russian  Embassy,  under  Count 
Goloyken,  travelled  overland  on  the  way  to  Peking, 
and  reached  the  Great  Wall  in  due  course.  Here  the 
Count  was  met  by  emissaries  from  Chiach’ing  who 
informed  him  that  unless  he  would  consent  to 
perform  the  k’ot’ow  when  admitted  to  Imperial 
audiences  he  might  save  himself  the  trouble  of 
coming  any  further.  The  Ambassador  firmly  refused 
so  to  degrade  himself,  and  as  the  only  way  out  of  the 
deadlock  was  to  return  from  whence  he  came,  he 
turned  his  camels’  heads  round,  and  disappeared 
across  the  desert.  Eleven  years  later  George  HI.,  of 
pious  memory,  determined  to  send  a second  envoy 
to  renew  the  negotiations  opened  by  Lord  Macart- 
ney. Eor  this  important  mission  Lord  Amherst,  who 
had  distinguished  himself  at  many  courts,  was  chosen 
as  the  King’s  representative.  Without  adventure  he 


196  THE  REIGN  OF  CHIACH'iNG 

arrived  at  Tientsin,  where  he  was  met  by  Commis- 
sioners who,  while  preserving  a semblance  of  courtesy, 
began  at  once  to  raise  the  question  of  the  k’ot’ow. 
Day  after  day  with  wearisome  reiteration  they 
brought  forward  the  same  demands,  supported  by 
what  they  were  good  enough  to  call  arguments,  and 
were  answered  in  the  same  words  based  on  the  same 
reasons.  At  one  time  it  looked  as  though  Lord 
Amherst’s  fate  was  to  have  been  that  of  Count 
Goloyken.  But  for  some  reason,  possibly  the  pros- 
pect of  receiving  presents  similar  to  those  brought  by 
Lord  Macartney,  Chiach’ing  was  evidently  desirous 
that  the  Ambassador  should  be  admitted  into  his 
presence,  and  hence,  though  Lord  Amherst  was  firm 
on  the  point  in  dispute,  he  was  allowed  to  proceed  to 
Tungchow,  within  twelve  miles  of  the  capital.  Here 
two  men  of  superior  rank  and  condition  met  him  and 
at  once  urged  him  to  consent  to  what  they  called  the 
national  custom.  Lord  Amherst  repeated  the  pro- 
position made  by  Lord  Macartney,  that  if  a manda- 
rin of  equal  rank  with  himself  would  k’ot’ow  to  a 
portrait  of  George  III.  he  would  do  likewise  in  the 
presence  of  Chiach’ing.  This  concession  was  de- 
clined, and  Lord  Amherst  next  proposed  that  he 
should  bow  low  nine  times  before  the  Emperor,  while 
the  courtiers  performed  the  nine  prostrations  of  the 
k’ot’ow.  This  also  was  declared  to  be  inadmissible, 
and  the  prospect  before  the  mission  became  black 
indeed.  To  Lord  Amherst’s  surprise,  however,  Duke 
Ho,  the  Chief  Commissioner,  informed  him  that  the 
Emperor  had  given  orders  for  the  mission  to  be 
brought  to  Yuan-ming-yuan  on  the  following  day. 


RUDE  TREATMENT  OF  LORD  AMHERST  1 9/ 


The  journey,  barely  more  than  twenty  miles,  might 
well  have  been  made  within  the  hours  of  daylight, 
even  at  a foot’s  pace.  But  as  if  to  aggravate  the 
discomfort  of  the  Ambassador,  Ho  arranged  that  the 
cavalcade  should  start  at  five  o’clock  in  the  evening, 
with  the  result  that  it  did  not  arrive  at  Yuan-ming- 
yuan  until  daylight  on  the  next  morning.  While 
weary  and  worn  with  this  tedious  and  untimely 
journey,  the  Ambassador  and  his  suite  were  hustled 
into  a small  room  where  they  were  subjected  to  the 
inquisitive  scrutiny  of  people  of  all  ranks,  who  treated 
them,  in  the  words  of  Mr.  Ellis,  the  historian  of  the 
Mission,  with  “brutal  rudeness  and  an  insulting 
demeanour.”  While  annoyed  by  these  insults  Lord 
Amherst  was  still  further  disturbed  by  the  arrival  of 
Duke  Ho,  who  brought  a message  from  the  Emperor 
to  say  that  he  desired  to  see  the  Ambassador  at  once. 
Lord  Amherst  expostulated  against  this  discourteous 
demand,  and  pleaded  his  fatigue  and  the  non-arrival 
of  his  Court  attire.  Ho,  however,  was  doubly  and 
anxiously  persistent,  and  even  attempted,  on  one 
occasion,  to  force  the  Ambassador  into  the  Emperor’s 
presence.  This  impertinence  was  resented  by  Lord 
Amherst  who  sent  a respectful  message  to  Chiach’ing, 
informing  him  of  the  circumstances  of  the  case,  and 
begging  to  be  allowed  time  to  recover  from  his 
fatigue  before  presenting  himself  in  the  august  pre- 
sence. A peremptory  answer  was  returned  to  this 
very  reasonable  request,  ordering  the  Ambassador  at 
once  to  set  out  for  Tungchow,  jviHe  to  Canton.  No 
option  was  allowed  him,  and  he,  therefore,  shook  the 
dustof  Pekingoffhisfeet,and  turned  his  face  southward. 


198 


THE  REIGX  OF  CHiACH'iXG 


The  story  is  a disgraceful  one,  and  it  is  only  due 
to  Chiach’ing  to  say  that  his  natural  discourtesy 
towards  foreigners  was  aggravated  in  this  case  b}^  the 
deceptions  practised  upon  him  by  his  IMinisters. 
According  to  an  Imperial  Edict,  published  after  Lord 
Amherst’s  departure,  it  appears  that  Duke  Ho  had 
reported  to  his  master  from  Tungchow  that  “the 
English  tribute  bearer  was  daily  practising  the  cere- 
mony [of  k’ot’ow],  and  was  manifesting  the  highest 
possible  respect  and  veneration.”  It  is  also  stated 
on  the  Imperial  word  that  Ho  had  concealed  the  fact 
that  Lord  Amherst  declined  the  audience  owing  to 
fatigue  after  his  journey,  and  represented  him  as 
being  contumacious.  Eor  these  offences  Duke  Ho 
was  fined  five  }'ears’  salary,  and  was  stripped  of  his 
yellow  jacket.  The  further  sentence  that  he  should 
be  deprived  of  all  his  offices,  the  Emperor  was 
graciously  pleased  to  remit  in  consideration  of  his 
many  services.  According  to  the  Emperor,  Ho,  with 
his  companion  ]\Iu,  were  overcome  with  remorse  at 
the  part  they  had  played,  and  when  introduced  into 
the  Imperial  presence  they  made  full  confession, 
“ pulling  off  their  caps  and  dashing  their  heads 
against  the  ground.”  It  is  possible  that  this  demon- 
strative contrition  may  have  had  the  effect  of 
mitigating  the  Imperial  wrath. 

Another  and  a remarkable  Englishman  suffered  at 
about  the  same  time  a somewhat  similar  rebuff  on 
the  part  of  the  Celestials.  Manning,  who  was  a con- 
siderable Chinese  scholar,  arrived  at  Canton  in  1814 
inspired  by  the  vain  hope  that  his  knowledge  of  the 
language,  and  s\^mpath\’  with  the  people,  would  gain 


A REPROVING  STATESMAN 


199 


him  favour  in  their  eyes.  He  was  soon  undeceived, 
and,  disheartened  with  his  failure,  left  Canton  for 
India  whence  he  travelled  into  Tibet.  Here  better 
fortune  attended  him.  He  gained  admission  into 
Lhasa,  and  thus  secured  the  distinction  of  being  the 
only  Englishman  who  has  ever  entered  the  portals  of 
that  sacred  city. 

The  remaining  years  of  Chiach’ing  were  few  and 
evil,  and  in  1820  at  the  age  of  sixty-one  death  over- 
took him.  When  quite  a lad  he  showed  some  literary 
talent  and  we  are  told  that  when  thirteen  years  of 
age  on  the  occasion  of  his  father,  Ch’ienlung,  examin- 
ing him  in  the  hall  of  Confucius,  “ the  verses  that 
might  be  expected  from  a boy  of  such  an  age  were 
duly  composed.”  But  in  after  life  all  taste  for  litera- 
ture disappeared  and  he  found  his  principal  amuse- 
ment in  the  society  of  actors.  Immediately  after  the 
morning  Audience  it  was  his  wont  to  retire  to  his 
private  apartments  where,  in  the  company  of  come- 
dians, he  sang  and  played.  It  is  even  said  that  when 
he  went  to  offer  the  sacred  sacrifices  to  Heaven  and 
Earth  it  was  his  practice  to  take  some  of  his  favourites 
with  him.  With  the  courage  which  either  makes  or 
mars  a Chinese  statesman  the  Minister  Sung  took 
upon  himself  the  invidious  task  of  remonstrating 
with  his  liege  lord  on  the  impropriety  of  these  habits. 
This  reproval  instead  of  producing  the  desired  result 
only  irritated  Chiach’ing,  who,  however,  was  quite 
unable  to  deny  the  allegations  contained  in  the 
accusing  memorial.  In  answer  to  a summons  calling 
on  him  to  appear  before  his  angry  master.  Sung 
presented  himself  on  his  knees,  trembling.  After 


200 


THE  REIGX  OF  CHIACH’ING 


some  words  of  reproof  Chiach’ing  asked  the  Minister 
what  he  deserved  for  the  crime  of  inculpating  the 
Son  of  Heaven.  “Quartering,”  was  the  answer.  After 
an  interval  which  must  have  contained  anxious  mo- 
ments for  Sung  the  same  question  was  repeated  and 
the  ^Minister  regarding  the  repetition  as  a sign  of 
mitigating  wrath  replied,  “ Let  me  be  beheaded.” 
Yet  a third  time  the  question  was  put,  “ Let  me 
be  strangled,”  was  the  answer.  At  these  words  Sung 
was  dismissed  from  the  audience  chamber,  and  the 
next  day  received  the  appointment  of  Governor  of 
the  Province  of  Hi,  where,  in  the  opinion  of  his 
Imperial  master,  he  would  be  unable  to  pry  into  the 
amusements  of  the  palace,  and  would  at  the  same 
time  be  powerless  to  plead  that  the  Emperor  had 
trampled  on  the  traditional  rights  of  Ministers  to 
expostulate  with  erring  sovereigns. 

Chiach’ing  was  of  an  indolent  disposition,  and  was 
incapable  of  opposing  the  more  violent  spirits  who 
disturbed  the  peace  of  the  Empire  during  the  quarter 
of  a century  that  he  sat  on  the  throne.  The  faults 
of  his  father  were  exaggerated  in  him,  and  he  had 
none  of  those  virtues  which  added  lustre  to  the  long 
reign  of  Ch’ienlung.  It  is  customary  for  an  Emperor 
on  ascending  the  throne  to  publish  an  Edict  con- 
taining an  obituary  notice  of  his  predecessor.  The 
statements  contained  in  such  documents  are  probably 
no  truer  than  epitaphs  generally  are,  but  it  is  only 
fair  to  Chiach’ing  that  we  should  glance  at  the  other 
side  of  the  shield  and  should  listen  to  what  his  son, 
Taokwang,  who  saved  his  life  on  the  occasion  of  the 
attack  of  his  sacred  person  in  the  palace,  has  to  say_ 


A FILIAL  EULOGY 


201 


on  the  behalf  of  his  august  father.  “ His  late 
Majesty,”  wrote  Taokwang,  “who  has  now  gone  the 
great  journey,  governed  all  under  Heaven’s  canopy 
during  twenty -five  years,  exercising  the  utmost 
caution  and  industry.  Nor  evening  nor  morning  was 
he  ever  idle.  He  assiduously  aimed  at  the  best  pos- 
sible rule,  and  hence  his  government  was  excellent 
and  illustrious  ; the  Court  and  the  country  felt  the 
deepest  reverence  for  him,  and  the  stillness  of  pro- 
found awe.  A benevolent  heart,  and  a benevolent 
administration  were  universally  diffused  ; in  China 
proper,  as  well  as  beyond  it,  order  and  tranquillity 
prevailed,  and  the  tens  of  thousands  of  common 
people  were  all  happy.  But  in  the  midst  of  the 
hope  that  this  glorious  reign  would  be  long  pro- 
tracted, and  the  help  of  Heaven  would  be  received 
many  days,  unexpectedly,  on  descending  to  bless  by 
his  Majesty’s  presence  Lwanj'ang  [in  Tartary],  the 
Dragon  Charioteer  (the  holy  Emperor)  became  a 
guest  on  high  ” ! 

In  1820  the  Emperor  Taokwang  ascended  the 
Throne  in  pursuance  of  the  will  of  his  father,  who  to 
his  dying  day  never  forgot  that  he  owed  the  seven 
last  years  of  his  life  to  Mienning’s  courage  and  skill. 
That  prince,  who  adopted  the  title  of  Taokwang,  was 
born  in  1781,  and  was  therefore  thirty-nine  years 
of  age  when  he  was  proclaimed  Emperor.  Though 
a favourite  of  his  father  he  was  not  a persona  grata 
with  the  ladies  of  the  harem,  more  especially  with 
the  concubine  who  had  succeeded  his  mother  in  the 
Imperial  dignity.  During  the  lifetime  of  his  mother 
there  had  been  much  ill-blood  between  these  two 


202 


THE  REIGX  OF  CH/ACH’iXG 


ladies,  and  the  first  Empress  is  said  to  have  died 
in  a paroxysm  of  rage,  caused  by  the  aggressive 
conduct  of  her  successor,  who  revenged  herself  on 
Prince  Mienning  for  the  many  slights  which  she  had 
endured,  by  imposing  on  him  all  the  indignities  which 
it  was  in  her  power  to  inflict. 

In  early  life  Taokwang  had  been  passionately 
devoted  to  martial  exercises,  in  pursuit  of  which  he  is 
said  to  have  fortified  his  muscles  by  taking  certain 
strengthening  medicines,  which  were  reputed  to 
have  destroyed  his  teeth  and  so  to  have  given  to 
his  jaw  the  peculiar  character  which  it  possessed.  In 
figure  he  was  tall,  lank,  and  hollow-cheeked,  and  of 
a dark  complexion.  His  habits  were  quiet  and 
retired,  and  he  was  not  credited  with  any  great 
talent  for  business.  In  after  life,  however,  he  proved 
himself  quite  capable  of  holding  his  own  with  his 
Ministers.  One  of  his  first  acts  showed  his  disap- 
proval of  the  policy  of  his  father,  of  whose  wisdom 
he  had  proclaimed  himself  such  an  ardent  admirer  in 
his  Edicts.  He  recalled  Sung  from  his  banishment 
in  Hi,  and  gave  notice  to  quit  to  the  comedians  and 
others  to  whom  Chiach’ing  had  given  such  a hos- 
pitable welcome  in  the  palace.  The  members  of  his 
father’s  harem  were  also  sent  home  to  their  relatives, 
and  his  wife  was  proclaimed  Empress. 

Unfortunately  “ the  evil  that  men  do  lives  after 
them,”  and  the  result  of  Chiach’ing’s  lax  and  dis- 
creditable rule  was  to  leave  a heritage  of  woe  to  his 
successor.  Pestilence,  famine,  and  war  dogged 
Taokwang’s  footsteps,  and  no  more  uneasy  head 
ever  wore  a crown  than  his.  The  feeble  hand  of  his 


RUSSIAN  COLLEGE  AT  PEKING 


203 


predecessor  had  so  weakened  the  authority  of  the 
law  that  stringent  measures  had  to  be  adopted  for 
the  preservation  of  peace  and  order.  The  same 
spirit  of  misrule  which  he  found  prevailing  in  the 
provinces  had  extended  beyond  the  frontier  into 
those  regions  of  Mongolia  where  K’anghsi  had  fought 
and  conquered.  Here  the  standard  of  revolt  was 
raised  by  a chieftain  named  Jehangir,  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Kashgar,  where  recruits,  tempted  by  the 
reported  weakness  of  the  Chinese  power,  flocked 
readily  to  his  ranks.  At  first  all  went  well  with  the 
rebel,  who  took  and  occupied  Kashgar,  putting  the 
Chinese  garrison  to  the  sword.  But,  as  so  often  had 
happened  in  Chinese  campaigns  in  Central  Asia,  the 
weight  of  men  and  steady  perseverance  of  the 
Celestials  ultimately  carried  the  day,  and  Jehangir 
was  taken  prisoner  and  sent  to  Peking.  There  the 
traditional  fate  of  all  such  rebels  overtook  him,  and 
he  was  hanged,  drawn,  and  quartered. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  during  the  reign  of 
K’anghsi  the  Russian  garrison  of  Albazin  had  been 
brought  to  Peking  as  prisoners,  and  had  there 
remained  living  among  the  natives  of  the  capital  as 
fellow-citizens.  At  stated  intervals  the  Czar’s  Govern- 
ment had  been  in  the  habit  of  sending  unofficial 
envoys  with  sums  of  money  for  the  maintenance  of 
these  colonists.  A communication  was  in  this  way 
periodically  kept  up  between  these  two  Empires,  and 
was  still  further  fostered  by  the  establishment  by 
Treaty  (1728)  of  a Russian  college  at  Peking,  where 
students  studied  for  ten  years  the  Chinese  and 
Manchu  languages.  In  the  first  year  of  Taokwang’s 


204 


THE  REIGN  OF  CH/ACH'/NG 


accession  a certain  Timkowski  arrived  at  Pekinsf  on 
this  eleemosynary  mission,  and  though  the  name  of 
foreigner  stank  in  the  nostrils  of  Taokwang,  he  was 
allowed  to  remain  until  he  had  fulfilled  his  charitable 
duties.  The  same  tolerance,  however,  was  not  ex- 
tended to  the  Portuguese  officials  employed  in  the 
Astronomical  Department  at  Peking,  who,  though 
they  had  been  allowed  to  remain  by  Chiach’ing,  were 
summarily  dismissed  by  his  successor. 

IMeanwhile,  in  that  hotbed  of  rebellion,  the  island 
of  Formosa,  disorders  broke  out  and  were  quelled, 
though  with  difficulty,  partly  by  crushing  cruelty  and 
partly  by  the  seductive  lure  of  official  bribery.  By 
Chinese  statesmen  the  islands  and  outlying  districts 
of  the  P^mpire  are  comparative!}'  lightl}"  esteemed, 
and  it  is  only  when  the  soil  of  the  Eighteen  Provinces 
of  China  Proper  is  tampered  with  that  their  patriot- 
fism  is  aroused.  It  required  no  great  effort  to  hand 
over  Formosa  and  the  Pescadores  to  Japan  after  the 
recent  war,  but  it  might  fairly  be  questioned  whether 
they  would  not  have  fought  to  the  death  for  a single 
province  of  the  sacred  eighteen.  So  it  was  on  this 
occasion,  and  both  in  Formosa  and  Hainan,  where 
there  were  simultaneous  outbreaks,  the  Imperial 
commanders  patched  up  a peace  without  troubling 
themselves  to  attempt  to  lay  the  foundations  of  an}' 
lasting  tranquillity.  But  a rising  among  the  Aliaotzu 
tribes  which  occurred  about  the  same  time  was  a 
very  different  matter.  The  Viceroy  of  the  province 
of  Kwangtung  was  sent  against  them,  and  when  he 
failed  through  incompetence  and  cowardice,  Hsi  An, 
Taokwang’s  father-in-law,  was  ordered  to  take  the 


I 


A VICIOUS  PRINCE  205 

field.  Fortunately  for  this  chieftain,  who  neither  in 
a public  nor  private  capacity  bore  a good  character, 
he  was  given  the  immediate  command  of  Hunan 
troops,  the  best  fighting  material  in  China.  With 
these  soldiers  he  was  successful.  He  harried  the 
Miaotzu,  burnt  their  villages,  and  drove  the  survivors 
to  the  mountain  tops.  The  tribes  resisted  for  a time, 
but  at  last  made  their  submission,  and  received  from 
the  hands  of  the  conquerors  the  bitter  terms  which 
are  commonly  meted  out  to  defeated  rebels  in 
Oriental  lands. 

Taokwang  was  no  more  fortunate  in  his  private 
life  than  he  was  in  his  public  career.  The  news  of 
the  outbreaks  above  mentioned  reached  him  at  a 
time  when  he  was  suffering  from  severe  domestic 
bereavement.  In  1831  he  had  to  mourn  the  loss  of 
both  his  Empress  and  his  only  son.  Accounts  differ 
as  to  how  the  latter  met  his  end.  That  he  was  a 
debauched  and  vicious  youth  all  authorities  agree  in 
affirming,  and  while  by  some  it  is  said  that  his  death 
was  due  to  opium  smoking,  it  is  also  commonly 
reported  that  he  received  his  deathblow  at  the  hand 
of  his  father  who,  enraged  at  his  misconduct,  raised 
his  fist  against  him. 

During  these  and  other  absorbing  anxieties  Tao- 
kwang had  little  time  to  pay  any  attention  to  the 
English  residents  at  Canton.  They  were  allowed  to 
pursue  the  somewhat  uneven  tenor  of  their  way 
without  incurring  any  additional  penalties  from 
Peking.  All  their  communications  with  the  authori- 
ties passed  through  the  hands  of  a committee  of 
native  merchants,  known  as  the  Cohong,  and  any 


2o6 


THE  REIGN  OF  CHIACH'iNG 


written  statement  was  on  compulsion  made  in  the 
form  of  a petition.  Ladies  were  forbidden  to  reside 
in  the  settlement,  and  a permit,  which  cost  from 
seventy  to  a hundred  pounds,  was  necessary  to 
enable  a merchant  to  visit  his  family  at  Macao,  the 
nearest  place  where  it  was  possible  for  ladies  and 
children  to  live.  Notwithstanding  these  and  count- 
less other  disabilities,  the  number  of  resident 
merchants  steadily  increased,  and  the  shipping 
returns  went  up  with  corresponding  certainty.  It 
was  plain,  therefore,  that  the  growing  importance  of 
the  port  would  soon  render  it  impossible  that  the 
existing  state  of  things  could  be  endured  much 
longer,  and  an  opportunity  shortly  presented  itself 
of  putting  matters  on  a more  satisfactory  footing. 


VIII 

FOREIGN  RELATIONS  WITH  CHINA 

The  Charter  of  the  East  India  Company,  which 
had  been  granted  by  Charles  L,  was  about  to  expire 
in  April,  1834.  The  importance  of  the  trade  made 
it  impolitic  to  renew  the  charter,  and  the  Govern- 
ment therefore  determined  to  take  over  the  adminis- 
tration of  affairs  at  Canton.  The  old  order  of  things 
must,  they  felt,  pass  away,  and  they  decided  to 
emphasise  this  change  by  appointing  a representative 
who,  it  was  hoped,  would  be  able  to  deal  directly 
with  the  highest  provincial  authorities.  Lord  Napier 
was  chosen  for  this  very  difficult  post,  and  received 
a commission  from  the  King  dated  Brighton, 
December  10,  1833,  in  which  his  “ loyalty,  integrity, 
and  skill  ” were  justly  lauded.  With  Lord  Napier 
were  associated  two  officials  as  sub-commissioners. 
Lord  Napier’s  instructions,  which  were  drafted  by 
Lord  Palmerston,  were  precise.  “Your  lordship,”  so 
they  ran,  “ will  announce  your  arrival  at  Canton  by 
letters  to  the  Viceroy.  In  addition  to  the  duty  of 
protecting  and  fostering  trade  at  Canton,  it  will  be 
one  of  your  principal  objects  to  ascertain  whether  it 

207 


2o8 


FOREIGX  RELATIONS  WITH  CHINA 


may  not  be  practicable  to  extend  that  trade  to  other 
parts  of  the  Chinese  dominions.  It  is  obvious  that 
with  a view  to  the  attainment  of  this  object  the 
establishment  of  direct  communication  with  the 
Court  of  Peking  would  be  most  desirable.” 

Lord  Napier’s  course  was  therefore  laid  plainly 
before  him,  and  on  arriving  on  the  China  coast  he 
proceeded  at  once  direct  to  Canton.  At  this  act  of 
presumption,  as  it  was  described,  the  mandarins  were 
furious,  and  so  serious  a view  did  the  Superintendent 
of  Customs  take  of  it,  that  he  proposed  to  the 
Viceroy  that  the  foreign  trade  of  the  port  should  be 
suspended  in  consequence.  The  Viceroy  on  his  part 
refused  to  receive  Lord  Napier’s  letter  announcing 
his  arrival,  and  justified  his  conduct  by  stating  that 
the  great  Ministers  of  the  Empire  were  forbidden 
to  hold  communication  with  barbarians  except  on 
certain  specified  subjects.  Hitherto,  so  argued  the 
officials,  the  leading  Englishman  had  been  a Taipan, 
or  head  merchant,  and  there  never  had  been  such  a 
thing  as  a correspondence  to  and  fro  with  a “ Bar- 
barian Eye  ” (Minister).  The  attitude  thus  assumed 
by  the  local  authorities  was  highly  commended  by 
the  Vicero}’,  who  considered  that  it  manifested  “a 
profound  knowledge  of  the  great  principles  of 
dignity.” 

The  juncture  at  which  Lord  Napier  arrived  was  an 
unfortunate  one.  The  Government  had  been  much 
alarmed  at  the  drain  of  silver  consequent  on  the 
foreign  trade,  more  especially  in  opium,  and  a report 
had  lately  been  made  to  the  throne  that  60,000,000 
taels  were  annually  lost  to  the  Empire  by  the  foreign 


OPPOSITION  TO  OPIUM 


209 


connection.  Already  there  had  grown  up  a pro- 
nounced opposition  to  the  opium  trade  on  the  part  of 


Ol'lUM  SMOKERS. 

some  of  the  highest  officials,  and  during  the  reign  of 
Chiach’ing  more  than  one  memorial  had  been  pre- 
sented to  the  throne  proclaiming  the  evils  which 

15 


210 


FOREIGN  RELATIONS  WITH  CHINA 


were  supposed  to  result  from  the  use  of  the  drug. 
But  however  strong  the  feelings  of  individuals  on  the 
subject  might  be,  interests  were  at  work  which  mili- 
tated against  any^  direct  action  towards  prohibiting 
the  traffic.  The  use  of  the  pipe  had  spread  to  almost 
every  yamen  in  the  Empire,  and  already  large  areas 
of  the  country  were  devoted  to  the  cultivation  of  the 
poppy.  In  the  province  of  Yunnan  several  thousands 
of  chests  of  opium  were  produced  annually,  and  in 
other  provinces  vast  tracts  were  sown  with  poppy 
seeds.  The  drug  had  thus  taken  a hold  upon  the 
nation,  and  it  moderates  our  views  as  to  the  injurious 
nature  of  opium  when  we  observe  that  after  so  many 
years  the  evils  arising  from  it  are  so  difficult  to  trace. 
But  at  the  time  when  the  Charter  of  the  East  India 
Company  was  abolished,  there  was  another  and  a 
stronger  reason  why  the  local  authorities  at  Canton 
and  elsewhere  were  either  openly  or  privately  in 
favour  of  the  continuance  of  the  traffic.  During  the 
reign  of  Chiach’ing  opium  was  recognised  as  an 
article  of  trade,  and  paid  duty  at  the  rate  of  three 
taels  per  hundred  catties  (one  catty  equals  ij  lb.). 

Subsequently,  however,  the  trade  had  been  declared 
illegal,  and  as  it  was  plainly  impossible  to  prevent  the 
importation  of  the  drug,  a wide  door  was  opened  for 
the  energy  and  daring  of  smugglers.  These  men  were 
tacitly  recognised  by  the  local  mandarins,  who  drew 
large  though  irregular  incomes  in  return  for  their 
benevolent  inaction.  The  natural  result  followed. 
While  occasional  censors  exposed  possible  and  im- 
possible evils  of  opium  smoking,  and  while  the 
Emperor  fulminated  Edicts  against  the  practice,  the 


TYRANNY  AT  CANTON 


211 


officials  throughout  the  country,  frona  the  highest  to 
the  lowest,  countenanced  the  importation  of  the 
“ foreign  dirt  ” ; and  in  inland  districts,  where  it  was 
difficult  to  obtain  supplies  from  the  coast,  native 
farmers  profitably  supplied  the  officials  and  people 
with  the  means  of  indulging  in  the  pipe. 

But  though  these  influences  led,  in  the  face  of 
Imperial  Edicts,  to  a continuance  of  the  opium  traffic, 
the  supercilious  conceit  of  the  Government  induced 
them  to  put  a stop  to  the  legitimate  trade  of  the  port 
as  a protest  against  what  they  were  good  enough  to 
call  the  highly  improper  conduct  of  Lord  Napier  in 
forcing  his  way  to  Canton  without  having  given  due 
notice  of  his  approach.  The  Minister  and  his  country- 
men were,  in  consequence,  kept  virtually  prisoners 
within  the  limits  of  the  foreign  settlement.  The 
native  servants  in  their  employ  deserted  them,  and 
the  boatmen  refused  to  carry  either  them  or  their 
goods.  In  this  way  matters  came  to  a deadlock,  and 
the  Viceroy  had  the  further  insolence  to  issue  a notice 
containing  a series  of  regulations  designed  for  the 
management  of  the  “ Outer  Barbarians.”  Among 
these  ordinances  was  one  forbidding  ships  of  war  to 
sail  into  the  inner  seas  of  the  Empire  ; another  pro- 
hibited foreigners  from  “ stealthily  transporting 
muskets  and  cannon,  or  clandestinely  bringing  up 
foreign  women  or  foreign,  sailors  ” ; and  yet  another 
proclaimed  that  idly  rambling  about  beyond  the 
limits  of  the  settlement  could  not  be  allowed  for  a 
moment.  To  this  and  other  such  documents  Lord 
Napier  deemed  it  advisable  to  utter  a counter  blast, 
and  in  a public  notice  to  the  Chinese  merchants  he 


212 


FOREIGN  RELATIONS  WITH  CHINA 


wrote,  “ The  Merchants  of  Great  Britain  wish  to  trade 
with  all  China  on  principles  of  mutual  benefit ; they 
will  never  relax  in  their  exertions  till  they  gain  the 
point  of  equal  importance  to  both  countries,  and  the 
Viceroy  will  find  it  as  easy  to  stop  the  current  of  the 
Canton  river  as  to  carry  into  effect  the  insane  deter- 
minations of  the  Hong.” 

In  this  stress  of  circumstances  and  anxieties  Lord 
Napier’s  health  most  unfortunately  gave  way,  and  he 
retired  to  Macao  for  rest  and  further  medical  advice. 
His  departure  from  Canton  was  regarded  as  a triumph 
by  the  mandarins,  who  at  once  signalised  the  event 
by  removing  the  embargo  on  trade.  Unfortunately 
the  change  from  Canton  to  Macao  was  too  late  to 
save  Lord  Napier’s  life,  and  he  died  there  on  October 
II,  1834.  Meanwhile  the  British  merchants  at 
Canton  had  presented  a petition  to  the  British 
Government  praying  that  steps  might  be  taken 
effectively  to  open  the  Chinese  Empire  to  trade, 
and  to  place  the  foreign  communities  on  terms  of 
equality  with  the  merchants  of  the  country.  This 
document  was  firmly  and  judiciously  worded.  The 
writers  recognised  as  clearly  as  we  do  the  pre- 
posterou'S  pretensions  of  the  Chinese  Government, 
and  even  more  clearly  than  we  always  have  done, 
the  folly  of  attempting  to  propitiate  the  officials  by 
yielding  to  their  demands. 

In  response  to  this  document  Captain  Elliot  was 
appointed  in  1836  to  take  up  the  duties  vacated  by 
the  death  of  Lord  Napier.  On  arriving  at  Macao  he 
communicated  with  the  Governor  of  Canton  an- 
nouncing his  arriv'al,  and  asking  for  the  usual  permit 


CHINESE  IMPERTINENCE 


^13 


for  admission  to  the  provincial  capital.  But  though 
the  mandarins  readily  gave  this  permission,  as  they 
fully  recognised  the  advantage  of  having  a repre- 
sentative of  the  merchants  with  whom  they  could 
negotiate,  they  were  yet  in  no  way  disposed  to  recog- 
nise Captain  Elliot  as  anything  more  than  a superior 
supercargo,  and  chose  to  insist  that  all  communica- 
tions from  him  should  be  in  the  form  of  Pin^  or 
petitions.  This  claim  was  clearly  inadmissible,  and 
as  Captain  Elliot  insisted  on  his  right  to  use  the 
forms  commonly  employed  among  civilised  nations, 
matters  came  once  more  to  a deadlock.  Seeing  that 
nothing  would  be  gained  by  remaining  at  Canton, 
Captain  Elliot  retired  to  Macao  ; all  trade  was  then 
stopped,  and  the  merchants  who  chose  to  remain  in 
the  settlement  were  confined  within  its  limits. 

Meanwhile  a brisk  discussion  was  carried  on  in  the 
pages  of  the  Peking  Gazette  on  the  vexed  question  of 
the  Opium  Trade.  It  was  strongly  held  that  it  was 
impossible  to  prevent  the  importation  of  the  drug,  and 
that  an  advantage  would  be  derived  on  all  sides  by 
legalising  the  traffic.  The  evils  of  smuggling  were 
further  enlarged  upon  by  these  advocates,  and,  as  was 
afterwards  argued  by  Lord  Elgin  when  making  the 
treaty  of  1858,  it  was  put  forward  that  it  would  be  far 
better  to  place  the  trade  under  official  control  than 
that  it  should  be  carried  on  by  illicit  means  amid 
scenes  of  violence  and  strife.  The  opponents  of 
this  statesmanlike  suggestion  broke  out  into  wild 
oratory  against  the  evils  of  the  habib  and  affirmed 
that  the  English  had  deliberately  introduced  the 
“ foreign  dirt  ” into  the  country  for  the  purpose  of  so 


214 


FOREIGN  RELATIONS  mm  CH/NA 


debilitating  the  people  as  to  leave  them  incapable  of 
resisting  the  demands  of  the  “ Outer  Barbarians.” 
This  line  of  argument  was  only  another  version  of  a 
remark  made  by  the  Emperor  K’anghsi  long  before 
the  question  of  opium  had  arisen,  namely,  that  “ there 
was  cause  for  apprehension  lest,  in  the  centuries  or 
millenniums  to  come,  China  may  be  endangered  by 
collisions  with  the  various  nations  of  the  West  who 
come  hither  from  beyond  the  seas.” 

The  Opium  Question  was,  as  events  fully  demon- 
strated, only  used  by  the  officials  as  a convenient 
weapon  with  which  to  attack  the  foreigner.  The 
refusal  of  the  Governor  to  receive  communications 
from  Captain  Elliot  except  in  the  form  of  petitions  ; 
the  ridiculous  regulations  which  he  laid  down  for  the 
management  of  the  merchants  at  Canton  ; and  the 
sumptuary  laws  which  it  was  attempted  to  enact  for 
their  guidance — all  point  to  the  real  object  of  the 
mandarins,  which  was  to  drive  the  obnoxious  foreigner 
out  of  the  country.  There  was  something  particu- 
larly hypocritical  in  the  horror  professed  by  the  man- 
darins at  the  continuance  of  the  opium  traffic,  when 
we  call  to  mind  that  along  the  entire  coast-line  of 
China  from  Canton  to  Tientsin  the  drug  was  smuggled 
openly  by  the  officials  and  others  ; and  that  it  was 
only  in  Canton  and  the  neighbourhood  that  any 
attempt  was  ever  made  to  check  the  practice.  The 
mandarins  made  much  of  the  number  of  foreign 
schooners  which  landed  opium  along  the  coast.  But 
these  compared  with  the  native  customs  cruisers  and 
other  vessels,  which  performed  the  same  service,  were 
in  number  as  one  to  many  thousands.  While  the 


nWSINCERE  ANTI-OPJUMISTS 


215 


Governor  at  Canton  was  professing  righteous  indig- 
nation at  the  villany  of  the  English  opium  traders  it 
was  an  open  secret  that  his  own  son  was  daily  smug- 
gling cargoes  in  official  vessels  within  his  father’s 
jurisdiction.  Our  sympathy  with  the  protestors  is 
seriously  diminished  by  this  evident  insincerity,  and 
by  the  consideration  that,  though,  according  to  them, 
the  practice  of  opium  smoking  had  become  general 
throughout  the  Empire,  the  energy  of  the  merchants, 
the  scholarship  of  the  ' Literati ^ and  the  industry  of 
the  people,  remained  unabated.  As  we  have  already 
seen  Taokwang’s  son  was  a habitual  opium  smoker, 
and  it  would  have  been  more  to  the  purpose  if, 
instead  of  emptying  all  the  vials  of  his  wrath  on  the 
heads  of  the  foreigners,  the  Emperor  had  emplo}^ed 
real  and  vigorous  measures  against  the  practice  which 
he  denounced,  against  the  smuggling  of  the  drug  by 
natives,  and  against  the  cultivation  of  the  poppy 
which  was  already  largely  engaging  the  attention  of 
native  farmers. 

It  is  impossible  under  the  circumstances  to  regard 
the  professions  of  the  anti-opium  Chinese  as  being 
genuine,  and  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  Govern- 
ment deliberately  chose  to  make  a stalking  horse 
of  the  trade  for  the  purpose  of  effectively  exciting 
popular  feeling  against  foreigners.  In  pursuance  of 
this  policy,  Taokwang  appointed  Commissioner  Lin 
to  proceed  to  Canton  with  orders  to  legislate  on  all 
questions  in  dispute  between  the  local  officials  and 
the  “ Outer  Barbarians.”  Within  a week  of  his  arrival, 
Lin,  with  that  impetuosity  which  distinguished  him, 
issued  a peremptory  order  to  the  foreign  merchants, 


2I6 


FOREIGN  RELATIONS  WITH  CHINA 


over  whom  he  had  of  course  no  control,  charging 
them  to  deliver  up  all  the  opium  in  their  possession. 
So  powerless  were  the  traders,  and  so  long  had  they 
been  habituated  to  the  dictatorial  and  violent  methods 
of  the  Chinese,  that  they  were  induced  to  surrender 
over  a thousand  chests  of  the  drug,  in  response  to 
the  Emperor’s  demand.  This  quantity  was  promptly 
declared  to  be  insufficient  by  the  Commissioner,  who, 
at  the  same  time,  sent  a message  to  Mr.  Dent,  one  of 
the  leading  merchants,  asking  him  to  meet  him  for 
consultation  at  one  of  the  city  gates.  Former  expe- 
rience had  shown  that  to  yield  to  such  an  invitation 
was  simply  to  place  the  guest  in  the  hands  of  the 
mandarins  as  a prisoner  and  a hostage,  and  Mr. 
Dent,  therefore,  naturally  declined  to  venture  into  Lin’s 
clutches  unless  that  official  would  give  him  a written 
guarantee  that  he  would  be  allowed  to  return  at 
pleasure  to  the  settlement.  Fortunately  the  Com- 
missioner had  sufficient  honesty  to  decline  to  pledge 
his  word  with  the  deliberate  intention  of  breaking  it, 
and  Mr.  Dent  refused  to  place  himself  in  a position 
of  so  much  danger.  Although  it  was  now  plainly 
impossible  that  the  relations  between  the  two  coun- 
tries could  be  continued  on  peaceable  lines.  Captain 
Elliot  returned  to  Canton  in  the  vain  hope  of  being 
able  to  arrange  a modus  vivendi.  His  re-appearance 
on  the  scene  caused  much  excitement  among  the 
officials,  and  orders  were  instantly  given  to  beleaguer 
the  foreign  settlement.  The  narrow  lanes  and  out- 
lets leading  into  the  city  were  walled  up  ; all  com- 
munication with  the  outer  world  on  the  land  side  was 
cut  off ; and  steps  were  taken  to  prevent  foreign 


UN's  CONDITIONS 


217 


vessels  from  leaving  the  anchorage.  The  position 
was  one  which  might  well  have  been  brought  to  a 
head  by  a more  determined  and  resourceful  man 
than  Captain  Elliot,  to  whom  the  only  remedy  which 
presented  itself  was  that  of  yielding  to  the  Chinese 
demands.  With  unfortunate  acquiescence  he  issued 
a proclamation  ordering  the  English  merchants  to 
deliver  up  the  supplies  of  opium  in  their  possession. 
Recognising  the  weakness  of  the  opponent  with  whom 
he  had  to  deal,  Lin  had  further  the  progressive 
assurance  to  publish  a notification  stating  that  so 
soon  as  one  fourth  of  the  opium  was  handed  over, 
the  servants  who  had  been  ordered  to  desert  the 
settlement  should  be  allowed  to  return  to  their  foreign 
masters ; that  when  half  was  given  up  the  passage 
boats  should  again  be  made  available  ; and  that  when 
three-quarters  had  been  surrendered,  trade  should  be 
resumed.  He  further  had  the  insolence  to  threaten 
that  if  these  conditions  were  not  complied  with 
within  three  days  the  supply  o!\fr^sh^ater  would 
be  cut  off,  that  in  yet  another  three  days  all  food 
would  be  denied  to  the  merchants,  and  that  the  last 
degree  of  severity  would  attend  a further  delay. 

In  these  circumstances  and  in  obedience  to  Captain 
Elliot’s  circular  20,283  chests  of  the  drug  were  handed 
over  to  the  Chinese  authorities  by  British  merchants. 
As  long  experience  has  shown,  to  yield  to  Chinese 
bluster  entails  only  the  advance  of  still  further 
demands,  and  the  infliction  of  still  greater  indignities. 
In  the  present  instance  Lin  rewarded  Captain  Elliot’s 
complacency  by  claiming  the  right  to  punish  Euro- 
peans for  crimes  committed  on  Chinese  soil,  and 


2I8 


FOREIGN  RELATIONS  WITH  CHINA 


expressed  the  greatest  indignation  when  after  a 
sailors’  riot  in  which  one  or  two  Chinese  lost  their 
lives,  his  demand  to  have  the  English  disturbers  of 
the  peace  handed  over  to  him  was  refused.  The 
unwarrantable  tone  which  he  had  taken  up  from 
the  first  made  it  hopeless  to  attempt  to  carry  on 
relations  with  him,  and  he  further  provoked  war  by 
calling  on  his  countr)unen  to  arm  themselves  against 
the  foreigners.  The  inevitable  result  was  not  long 
delayed,  and  on  November  3,  1839,  a naval  engage- 
ment was  fought  at  Chuanpi,  in  which  a number  of 
Chinese  junks  were  sunk  and  destro}'ed. 

This  event  in  no  way  shook  Lin’s  faith  in  himself 
and  his  countrymen,  and  with  hardened  assurance  he 
issued  a proclamation  in  which  he  claimed  to  possess 
such  an  intimate  knowledge  of  the  divine  intentions 
that  he  was  able  to  announce  that  the  Imperial  dy- 
nasty continued  to  repose  under  the  direct  protection 
of  Heaven,  and  that  all  those  who  should  be  presump- 
tuous enough  to  oppose  its  will  would  inevitably  be 
overtaken  by  Celestial  vengeance.  Events  which 
were  now  hurrying  on  must  have  convinced  him,  if  he 
had  been  capable  of  reasoning,  that  at  all  events  the 
god  of  battles  was  on  the  side  of  the  big  ships  of  the 
enemies  of  his  master.  But  not  only  had  Lin’s 
policy  been  unfortunate  in  bringing  defeats  on  the 
Chinese  but  his  commercial  strategy  had  had  exactly 
the  opposite  result  to  that  which  was  intended. 
The  destruction  of  the  foreign  opium  at  Canton 
led  to  a vigorous  revival  of  the  trade,  smugglers 
multiplied,  and  the  traffic  flourished  as  it  had  never 
flourished  before  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  three 


A statesman's  career 


219 


native  victims  were  sacrificed  on  the  altar  of  Lin’s 
patriotism. 

In  the  summer  of  1841  Sir  Gordon  Bremer,  the 
English  Admiral,  blockaded  Canton,  and  then  sailed 
northwards  to  attack  Tinghai,  the  chief  town  on  the 
island  of  Chusan.  The  result  was  an  engagement 
such  as  those  with  which  the  late  war  has  made 
us  familiar.  The  defence  of  the  fortifications  was 
little  more  than  momentary,  and  under  cover  of 
night  the  garrison  took  to  their  heels.  From  Ningpo 
the  fleet  sailed  to  Taku  at  the  mouth  of  the  Peiho, 
where  Captain  Elliot  was  met  by  Kishen,  the  Go- 
vernor-General of  Chihli.  This  mandarin  was  one 
of  the  leading  officials  in  the  Empire,  and  his  career 
is  so  suggestive  of  the  vicissitudes  which  attend 
Oriental  administrators  that  it  is  worth  relating.  The 
son  of  an  official  who  obeyed  Ch’ienlung,  he  was 
given  an  appointment  when  barely  twenty  years  of 
age.  Seven  years  later  he  was  made  Secretary  to 
a provincial  Governor  ; and  at  the  age  of  forty  he 
was  appointed  Viceroy  of  Szech’uan,  and  in  1830  he 
was  promoted  to  the  viceroyalty  of  the  Metropolitan 
province.  So  far  his  fortunes  had  been  in  the  ascen- 
dant, but  reverses  quickly  followed.  When,  as  will  be 
shortly  seen,  Lin  was  disgraced,  Kishen  was  sent  as 
Commissioner  to  Canton  with  the  additional  office 
of  Viceroy  of  the  two  Kwang  provinces.  Foreign 
policy  has  in  many  cases  been  the  rock  upon  which 
the  careers  of  Chinese  statesmen  have  been  wrecked. 
And  it  was  so  with  Kishen,  who  so  deeply  incurred 
the  anger  of  his  Imperial  master  that  he  was  sent 
in  chains  to  Peking  there  to  answer  for  his  crimes. 


220 


FOREIGN  RELATIONS  WITH  CHINA 


After  a formal  trial  he  was  condemned  to  hard 
labour  in  the  province  of  Hi,  and  to  the  confiscation 
of  his  property.  This  last  penalty  was  a cruel 
blow  to  the  offender,  for,  like  many  mandarins  who 
have  been  long  office-holders,  he  had  great  posses- 
sions. Years  afterwards  the  Imperial  wrath  was  so 
far  mitigated  that  a partial  pardon  was  granted  to 
him,  and  he  was  later  appointed  to  the  office  of 
Assistant  Resident  at  Yarkand. 

His  association  with  Captain  Elliot  at  Taku  was 
the  first  step  towards  his  fall,  although  at  the  moment 
he  unquestionably  gained  a temporary  advantage 
over  his  opponent.  The  arrival  of  the  fleet  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Peiho  had  alarmed  the  Court,  and 
Kishen’s  first  object  was  to  induce  Captain  Elliot  to 
relieve  the  Imperial  fears  by  returning  to  Canton. 
With  the  same  mistaken  complacency  which  had 
induced  the  English  Minister  to  listen  to  Lin’s  com- 
mands, he  complied  on  this  occasion  with  Kishen’s 
wishes,  and  without  having  advanced  matters  in  the 
least  degree  he  agreed  to  sail  southward,  and  once 
more  to  discuss  negotiations  on  the  familiar  ground 
at  Canton.  There  matters  had  been  going  from  bad 
to  worse.  Lin  had  been  devoting  his  energies  to 
raising  troops  and  preparing  to  defend  the  city 
against  all  comers.  He  had  issued  fiery  proclama- 
tions offering  liberal  rewards  for  any  Englishman 
brought  in  dead  or  alive,  and  for  any  vessel  which 
the  troops  might  chance  to  capture.  A native  army 
which  had  been  collected  near  Macao  had  been 
attacked  and  disperse:!  with  ease  and  rapidity  by  a 
small  British  force,  and  a state  of  activ^e  warfare  had 


LIiVs  FALL 


221 


been  brought  about.  Such  were  the  results  of  the 
impertinent  bluster  with  which  the  now  disappointed 
Commissioner  had  attempted  to  influence  the  political 
situation.  The  news  of  the  existing  unfortunate 
state  of  affairs  in  the  South  no  sooner  reached  Peking 
that  Taokwang  ordered  Lin  to  return  to  Peking 
“ with  the  speed  of  flames.”  As  the  Emperor  wrote, 
and  with  justice,  “You,”  he  said,  addressing  Lin, 
“ have  but  dissembled  with  empty  words,  and  so  far 
from  having  been  any  help  in  the  affair  you  have 
caused  the  waves  of  confusion  to  arise,  and  a thou- 
sand interminable  disorders  are  sprouting ; in  fact, 
you  have  been  as  if  your  arms  were  tied,  without 
knowing  what  to  do  ; it  appears,  then,  that  you  are 
no  better  than  a wooden  image.” 

The  change  of  ve?i?ce  to  Canton  was  at  first  unpro- 
ductive of  any  good  results  in  the  negotiations.  The 
terror  which  had  inclined  the  Emperor  to  sanction 
discussions  when  the  British  fleet  was  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Peiho  changed  into  bluster  and  self-sufficiency 
when  the  whole  length  of  the  Empire  separated  him 
from  his  hated  foes,  and  it  was  not  until  Sir  Gordon 
Bremer  had  taken  several  forts  leading  to  Canton 
that  Kishen  at  last  consented  to  treat  for  peace. 
After  the  manner  of  all  his  tribe  he  yielded  at  once 
and  completely  to  pressure,  and  agreed,  with  protesta- 
tions of  sincerity,  to  accept  Captain  Elliot’s  proposals 
for  a convention.  These  were  that  the  Island  of 
Hongkong  should  be  ceded  to  the  British  crown,  that 
an  indemnity  of  six  million  dollars  should  be  paid  in 
consideration  of  the  opium  destroyed,  that  official 
intercourse  should  be  conducted  between  English  and 


FOREIGX  RELATIOXS  WITH  CHIXA 


222 

Chinese  officials  on  terms  of  international  equality, 
and  that  the  trade  with  the  British  at  Canton  should 
at  once  be  resumed.  It  was  further  agreed  that  on 
the  fulfilment  of  these  conditions  the  Island  of 
Chusan  and  the  fort  of  Chuanpi  should  be  restored 
to  China,  and  that  at  the  same  time  the  English  pri- 
soners at  Xingpo  should  be  granted  their  liberty. 
Among  these  unfortunates  was  Captain  Anstruther, 
R.  A.,  who  had  been  kidnapped  at  Chusan  and  carried 
off  to  Xingpo,  where  he  had  been  imprisoned  in  a 
cage.  Fortunately  these  captives  were  eventually 
released,  though  the  treaty  which  had  been  agreed  to 
b}’  Kishen  was  torn  up  by  the  Emperor’s  orders.  At 
this  time  the  position  of  foreigners  at  Canton  was 
well-nigh  unendurable.  All  trade  was  stopped,  the 
merchants  were  strictl}'  confined  to  the  foreign  settle- 
ment, and  any  attempt  to  cross  the  boundaries  of 
that  narrow  territory  was  accompanied  by  risk  to  life 
and  limb.  Even  without  this  indiscretion  their  liberty 
was  in  jeopardy.  The  English  chaplain,  for  instance, 
was  seized  in  the  settlement  and  carried  off  to  the 
native  city,  where  he  was  imprisoned  in  a loath- 
some cell  for  four  months. 

Meanwhile  the  Emperor  was  breathing  out  death 
and  slaughter  against  the  foreign  devils.  By  a 
special  edict  he  ordered  troops  to  march  upon 
Canton  and  Chusan,  accompanying  his  commands 
with  strict  injunctions  that  they  were  to  “destroy 
and  wipe  clean  away,  to  exterminate  and  root  out, 
the  rebellious  barbarians,”  and  at  the  same  time 
rewards  of  50,000  dollars  were  offered  for  the  capture 
of  Captain  Elliot,  Sir  Gordon  Bremer,  and  Mr. 


pris()\;:rs  wkai.mnc;  the  “cancji’e. 


2 24  FOREIGN  RELATIONS  WITH  CHINA 

Morrison.  In  these  circumstances  Captain  Elliot 
saw  only  one  course  open  to  him.  Diplomacy  had 
failed,  and  all  that  was  left  for  him  to  do  was  to  place 
the  matter  in  Commodore  Bremer’s  hands.  That  officer 
at  once  attacked  the  Bogue  forts,  which  had  already 
suffered  capture  at  the  hands  of  British  sailors  on 
several  occasions.  In  this  case  the  operation  was 
repeated  with  ease,  although  three  thousand  Chinese 
soldiers  stood  for  the  defence  of  the  position.  With 
the  same  agility  as  that  they  displayed  in  the  late  war 
with  Japan,  the  Chinese  soldiers  no  sooner  found 
their  forts  untenable  than  they  took  to  their  heels. 
On  the  following  day  the  fleet  proceeded  up  the 
river,  and  as  they  had  done  to  the  Bogue  forts,  so  did 
they  to  the  fortifications  which  lie  in  the  higher 
reaches  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  city. 

These  rapid  successes  disturbed  the  Chinese  com- 
placency, and  as  a symptom  and  a consequence  of 
this  perturbation,  the  Prefect  of  the  city  met  the 
advancing  hosts  with  a flag  of  truce,  which  covered  a 
petition  for  a three  days’  suspension  of  hostilities. 
This  was  granted,  and  as  no  satisfactory  arrangement 
resulted  from  it,  the  fleet  moved  up  still  nearer  to 
Canton,  capturing  without  the  slightest  difficulty 
every  fort  and  camp  on  the  way.  This  further 
advance  again  drew  the  Prefect,  who  appeared  with 
the  familiar  white  flag,  and  who  again  secured  a 
truce,  during  which  it  was  arranged  that  the  trade 
of  the  port  should  be  carried  on  as  usual.  The 
breathing  time  thus  given  to  the  Chinese  was 
diligently  utilised  by  them  in  collecting  forces  and 
materials  in  the  vain  hope  of  being  able  to  over- 


PREPARATIONS  FOR  WAR  22 ^ 

whelm  the  barbarians.  The  most  redoubtable  troops 
of  the  Empire  were  hurried  by  forced  marches  to 
Canton,  and  the  appetite  of  the  men  for  foreign  blood 
was  sharpened  by  an  Imperial  Edict,  in  which  the 
Emperor  stated  that  it  “ behoved  them  to  make  a 
severe  example  of  the  foreign  devils.” 

Kishen,  who  up  to  this  time  had  shown  a con- 
ciliatory spirit  in  his  negotiations  with  Captain 
Elliot,  adopted,  probably  from  policy,  the  tone  of 
his  Imperial  master,  and  memorialised  the  Throne  in 
a paper  in  which  he  spoke  of  the  “ perverse  craftiness 
of  the  presuming  foreigners  who  have  shown  them- 
selves to  be  obstinate  and  impracticable  in  every 
way.”  By  his  instigation  there  were  collected  by 
the  middle  of  May,  184J,  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Canton,  fifty  thousand  troops,  most  of  whom,  however, 
were  comparatively  innocuous,  being  unarmed.  The 
attitude  of  the  people,  however,  now  became  so 
threatening,  that  Captain  Elliot  directed  all  for- 
eigners to  provide  for  their  safety  by  leaving  the 
settlement.  This  proceeding  precipitated  matters, 
and  the  Chinese,  who  had  made  ample  preparations 
for  an  onslaught,  immediately  opened  a night  attack 
upon  the  British  fleet.  Sir  Hugh  Gough,  who  had 
taken  command  of  the  troops,  and  Sir  Fleming 
Senhouse,  the  newly-arrived  Admiral,  at  once  took 
matters  in  hand,  and  promptly  prepared  to  meet  the 
emergency  by  investing  the  city.  The  Chinese  made 
a show  of  resistance  to  the  attacking  force,  but 
declined  coming  to  close  quarters,  and  eventually 
bargained  to  ransom  the  city  on  the  following  terms. 
They  agreed  to  pay  down  6,000,000  dollars,  and  they 

16 


226 


FOREIGN  RELATIONS  WITH  CHINA 


undertook  that  the  three  Imperial  Commissioners 
who  had  been  sent  to  annihilate  the  foreign  devils 
should  march  with  their  troops  to  a distance  of 
sixty  miles  from  the  city ; that  they  should  pay 
compensation  for  the  property  which  had  been  looted 
from  the  factories ; and  that  the  Chinese  troops 
should  evacuate  the  city. 

The  maintenance  of  a permanent  peace  had  now 
become  impossible,  and  the  English  Government, 
deeming  it  essential  that  the  present  very  unsatis- 
factory condition  of  things  should  be  finally  put  an 
end  to,  appointed  Sir  Henry  Pottinger  to  succeed 
Captain  Elliot  as  Minister,  and  Admiral  Sir  William 
Parker  to  take  command  of  the  fleet.  PottingePs 
instructions  were  precise.  He  was  ordered  to  discard 
the  existing  system  of  dealing  with  the  provincial 
authorities,  and  to  open  relations  with  the  Imperial 
Government.  The  attitude,  however,  of  the  Emperor 
and  his  Ministers  at  this  juncture  was  not  such  as  to 
make  it  at  all  probable  that  they  would  be  disposed 
to  listen  to  reason,  and  it  at  once  became  apparent 
that  it  would  be  necessary  to  teach  them  wisdom  by 
the  hard  hand  of  experience.  Without  wasting  time 
with  empty  negotiations,  therefore.  Sir  Henry  placed 
matters  in  the  hands  of  the  Admiral,  who,  realising 
that  to  go  northward  was  to  approach  the  Court,  set 
sail  on  August  21,  1842.  The  first  point  of  attack 
was  the  city  of  Amoy,  which  yielded  in  the  ready 
way  in  which  towns  garrisoned  by  Chinese  troops  are 
in  the  habit  of  submitting  to  superior  forces. 

After  leaving  a small  garrison  to  hold  the  captured 
fort,  the  fleet  sailed  for  the  Island  of  Chusan,  and 


BRITISH  VICTORIES 


227 


proceeded  at  once  to  take  the  town  of  Tinghai.  In 
two  hours  from  the  time  when  the  first  shot  was  fired 
the  town  was  in  our  hands,  and  the  Admiral  and 
General  were  at  liberty  to  sail  across  to  the  mainland 
to  attack  Chenhai  (Chinhai).  The  British  troops 
having  landed  from  the  ships,  marched  on  this  city  in 
three  columns,  and  the  Chinese,  having  been  unwise 
enough  to  venture  out  from  the  protection  of  their 
walls,  were  without  any  difficulty  scattered  to  the 
four  winds  of  heaven.  The  Chinese  generals,  in  their 
ignorance,  had  deemed  this  place  to  be  so  strong  that 
any  attack  made  on  it  by  the  English  barbarians 
would,  in  their  opinion,  be  doomed  to  disaster.  The 
result,  therefore,  came  as  such  a surprise  to  Yukien, 
the  Viceroy  of  the  province,  that  in  order  to  avoid 
the  personal  consequences  of  his  Imperial  master’s 
displeasure,  he  committed  suicide.  The  feeling  of 
compassion  with  which  we  sliould  otherwise  be 
inclined  to  regard  the  end  of  Yukien’s  career  is 
mitigated  by  the  recollection  of  the  extreme  brutality 
with  which  he  treated  two  English  prisoners,  one  of 
whom  was  by  his  orders  flayed  alive  and  then  burnt 
to  death. 

The  possession  of  Chenhai  was  important  as 
opening  the  way  to  the  large  and  populous  city  of 
Ningpo,  whither  Sir  Hugh  Gough  at  once  advanced. 
To  his  surprise  he  found  the  town  practically  un- 
defended, and  occupied  its  defences  without  being 
called  upon  to  strike  a blow.  In  the  first  instance 
the  arrival  of  our  troops  alarmed  the  people  to  such 
an  extent  that  they  carried  off  into  the  surrounding 
country  their  valuables  and  women  concealed  in 


228 


FOREIGN  RELATIONS  WITH  CHINA 


baskets,  and  receptacles  of  all  kinds,  including 
coffins.  When,  however,  it  became  evident  that  our 
ways  were  not  as  their  ways,  and  that  our  rule  was 
guided  by  justice  and  humanity,  the  remaining 
people  gladly  opened  their  shops,  and  eagerly  com- 
peted for  the  privilege  and  advantage  of  supplying 
our  troops  with  the  necessaries  of  life.  The  news  of 
these  disasters — the  fall  of  Amoy,  Tinghai,  Chenhai, 
and  Xingpo — produced  great  alarm  at  Court,  and  two 
high  officials,  Ilipu  (Elepoo)  and  Ki\’ing  were  Im- 
perially commissioned  to  provide  for  the  defences  of 
the  rich  and  important  city  of  Hangchow,  near 
Xingpo.  It  so  happened,  however,  that  it  did  not 
enter  into  Sir  Hugh  Gough’s  plan  of  campaign  to 
interfere  with  the  Commissioners  in  their  very  com- 
fortable quarters,  and  instead  of  marching  on  Hang- 
chow he  moved  northwards,  and,  in  passing,  took  the 
city  of  Tzuki  on  his  way  to  \Wisung,  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Shanghai  river.  Here  again  the  same  condition 
of  things  that  had  prevailed  at  Chenhai  and  X^ingpo 
were  found  to  exist.  Considering  the  defences  of 
Wusung  as  impregnable,  it  had  been  deemed  quite 
unnecessary  to  fortify  Shanghai,  and  so  soon,  there- 
fore, as  the  English  troops  had  driven  the  Chinese 
from  the  ramparts  of  Wffisung,  Shanghai  lay  at  their 
mercy. 

But  it  was  plain  that  though  these  successes  had 
created  alarm  at  Peking,  it  would  be  necessary  to 
advance  further  inland  in  order  to  bring  sufficient 
pressure  to  soften  the  hardened  heart  of  the  Emperor 
Taokwang.  Sir  Henry  Pottinger,  therefore,  directed 
the  Commanders  to  advance  up  the  Yangtsze-kiang 


KIVEK  SCENE, 


230 


FOREIGN  RELATIONS  WITH  CHINA 


to  Nanking,  the  ancient  capital  of  the  Empire.  In 
course  of  this  expedition  it  was  considered  indis- 
pensable to  capture  the  important  town  of  Chenkiang 
(Chinkiang),  which  stands  on  the  southern  shore  of 
the  Great  River,  at  a distance  of  about  seventy  miles 
from  Nanking.  This  town  was  strongly  walled  and 
fortified,  and  was  further  protected  by  entrenched 
camps  outside  the  city.  The  garrison  within  the  town 
consisted  of  twelve  hundred  Manchu  soldiers,  eight 
hundred  Mongols,  and  about  the  same  number  of 
Chinese  troops,  while  the  encampments  were  held  by 
three  thousand  men  from  the  neighbouring  provinces. 
The  bombardment  of  the  walls  not  effecting  a 
breach  as  was  anticipated,  the  soldiers  placed  scaling 
ladders  against  the  walls  and  swarmed  on  to  the 
top.  At  first  the  Chinese  showed  a certain  amount 
of  courage  in  defending  the  city,  but,  quite  in 
accordance  with  their  usual  manner,  they  no  sooner 
felt  that  they  were  overpowered  than  they  scattered 
in  all  directions.  On  this  occasion  the  loss  of  life 
was  terrible.  Not  only  were  the  soldiers  mowed 
down  by  our  troops,  but  in  their  despair  thousands 
of  them  committed  suicide,  while  whole  families 
were  ruthlessly  murdered  to  prevent  them  falling 
into  the  hands  of  the  English.  The  scenes  witnessed 
were  heartrending.  The  houses  were  full  of  the 
dead  and  dying,  and  the  wells  were  choked  with  the 
bodies  of  women  and  children  who  had  either  thrown 
themselves  in,  or  been  thrown  in  to  save  them  from 
capture. 

On  the  opposite  side  of  the  river  stands  the  town 
of  Iching,  which  was  visited  in  advance  by  one  of  the 


CHINESE  INCONSISTENCIES 


23 


ships  of  the  fleet.  On  becoming  aware,  in  answer  to 
inquiries,  that  the  Commander  had  no  intention  of 
bombarding  the  town,  the  people  vied  with  each 
other  in  showing  attentions  to  the  foreign  devils, 
and  actually,  while  the  magistrate  and  magnates 
were  entertaining  the  English  captain  and  officers  at 
dinner,  the  sound  of  the  guns  which  were  dealing  out 
death  and  destruction  at  Chenkiang  broke  in  on  the 
feast,  without  in  any  way  disturbing  the  revellers. 
So  complete  is  the  absence  of  all  patriotic  feeling 
among  the  strange  people  of  “ that  jest  and  riddle  of 
the  world  ” China ! With  no  undue  delay  before 
Chenkiang  the  fleet  continued  its  voyage  to  Nanking, 
opposite  which  it  arrived  on  the  9th  day  of  August, 
and  whither  the  Imperial  Commissioners  Ilipu  and 
Kiying  hastened  to  meet  the  English  Plenipotentiary. 
Niu  Kien,  the  Viceroy  of  the  province,  had  already 
had  some  experience  of  English  soldiers  and  sailors. 
He  had  saved  his  life  by  a rapid  stragetic  movement 
to  the  rear  when  Wusung  had  fallen,  but  ev'en  after 
this  incident  he  was  still  disposed  to  regard  with 
contempt  the  “ rebel  ” troops  of  England,  and  pro- 
fessed himself  determined  to  defend  Nanking  to  the 
last  gasp.  The  appearance  of  the  fleet  before  the 
walls,  however,  had  a modifying  effect  on  his  warlike 
ardour. 

Fortunately,  also,  in  the  cause  of  peace  Kiying  and 
Ilipu  quickly  appeared  on  the  scene,  and  in  company 
with  Niu  Kien  formed  a triumvirate  to  whom  the 
Emperor  had  entrusted  the  conduct  of  the  nego- 
tiations. In  reply  to  a preliminary  report  of  these 
officials,  the  Emperor  issued  a decree  full  of  lofty 


232 


FOREIGN  RELATIONS  WITH  CHINA 


platitudes  and  condescending  phrases,  but  which  to 
all  intents  and  purposes  amounted  to  a full  con- 
currence in  the  views  they  had  expressed  on  the 
necessity  of  making  peace.  Ilipu  from  the  first  had 
worked  in  the  cause  of  amity,  and  had  on  previous 
occasions  shown  his  goodwill  by  giving  liberty  to 
English  captives  who  had  fallen  into  his  hands. 
W’ith  these  plenipotentiaries  Sir  Henry  Pottinger 
immediately  opened  negotiations,  and  the  weariness 
of  the  discussions  which  followed  were  pleasantly 
diversified  by  a series  of  entertainments,  which  were 
given  by  the  high-contracting  parties.  Finally,  after 
some  delay,  a treaty  was  concluded  by  which  it  was 
fairly  hoped  that  a firm  and  durable  peace  might 
be  established  between  the  two  Empires.  By  the 
terms  of  this  document  it  was  agreed  that  the  four 
additional  ports  of  Amoy,  Foochow  Foo,  Xingpo,  and 
Shanghai  should  be  open  to  trade,  that  Hongkong 
should  be  ceded  to  the  British  Crown  in  perpetuity, 
and  that  the  sum  of  21,000,000  dollars  should  be 
paid  to  the  victors  in  the  war — 6,000,000  as  the 
value  of  opium  destroyed  by  Lin  at  Canton, 
3,000,000  on  account  of  debts  due  to  British  sub- 
jects, and  12,000,000  on  account  of  the  expenses 
which  had  been  incurred.  The  treaty  was  signed 
on  the  29th  of  August,  1842,  and  though  in  the 
negotiations  the  Chinese  had  displayed  a conciliatory 
spirit,  they  at  the  same  time  made  no  attempt  to 
conceal  their  desire  to  get  rid  of  the  Barbarians’ 
ships  from  the  inner  waters  of  the  Empire.  Indeed, 
in  the  edict  already  spoken  of,  the  Emperor,  in  a 
lordly  manner,  had  issued  an  order  “ that  the  whole 


PEACE  CONCLUDED 


233 


of  the  Barbarian  vessels  were  to  leave  the  Great  River 
by  the  14th  of  September.”  To  secure  this  end  it 
was  necessary  that  there  should  be  no  delay  in 
ratifying  the  treaty  at  Peking,  and  with  unexampled 
celerity  the  document  was  despatched  to  the  capital, 
received  the  Imperial,  signature,  and  returned  to 
Nanking.  The  date  fixed  by  the  Emperor  for  the 
departure  of  the  ships  was,  however,  somewhat 
exceeded,  and  it  was  not  until  the  end  of  October 
that  the  fleet  once  more  assembled  off  Tinghai  in 
Chusan.  This  island  was  to  be  held  as  a security 
for  the  indemnity  due,  and  a garrison  of  two 
thousand  men  was  left  for  its  defence.  A further 
force  of  one  thousand  men  was  stationed  at  Amoy, 
and  Hongkong  was  protected  by  seventeen  hundred 
troops. 

China  is  such  an  immense  and  dislocated  country 
that  events  which  occur  in  one  portion  of  its  domain 
in  no  way  necessarily  affect  the  remaining  provinces. 
Thus  it  was  that  while  the  British  forces  had  taken 
city  after  city  in  Central  China,  and  a Treaty  of  Peace 
had  been  concluded  between  the  two  Empires,  affairs 
in  Canton  remained  unaffected  by  the  war,  and 
unpacified  by  the  peace.  Riots  were,  both  before 
and  after  the  treaty,  of  frequent  occurrence,  the 
city  remained  forbidden  ground  for  foreigners,  and 
large  levies  of  militia  were  collected  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood with  the  avowed  intention  of  driving  the 
foreigners  into  the  sea.  By  a happy  chance  Ilipu, 
after  the  conclusion  of  the  treaty  at  Nanking,  was 
sent  as  Imperial  Commissioner  to  this  unruly  district 
The  experience  he  had  gained  in  the  Central  Pro- 


234  FOREIGN  RELATIONS  WITH  CHINA 

vinces  as  to  the  superiority  of  foreign  methods  of 
warfare  led  him  to  recognise  the  folly  of  the  anti- 
foreign  efforts  that  were  being  made  by  the  local 
officials.  Befonging  to  the  Imperial  kindred,  and 
having  won  laurels  in  his  kinsman’s  service,  he  was 
enabled  to  take  a strong  line  on  this  occasion,  and  he 
did  not  hesitate  therefore  to  issue  a proclamation  in 
which  he  announced  that  “ it  has  now  been  arranged 
by  treaty  with  England  that  ...  as  long  as  English 
foreigners  live  quietly,  and  attend  to  their  business, 
our  people  may  not  disturb  or  molest  them.”  Un- 
happily Ilipu  did  not  live  long  enough  to  consolidate 
the  friendly  regime  which  he  had  inaugurated.  His 
health  was  failing  when  he  reached  Canton,  and  on 
the  4th  of  March,  1843,  died,  in  the  seventy- 
second  year  of  his  age. 

In  distant  Formosa  the  anti-foreign  feeling  had 
been  conscious  of  no  such  check  as  that  it  had  thus 
received  at  Canton,  and  Sir  Henry  Pottinger  was 
met  on  his  triumphant  return  to  Hongkong  with  the 
dispiriting  news  that  upwards  of  a hundred  British 
sailors  had  been  ruthlessly  beheaded  by  the  island 
authorities.  Inquiries  confirmed  the  truth  of  the 
report,  and  the  few  survivors  who  escaped  the  fate  of 
their  comrades  bore  pathetic  witness  to  a dismal  tale 
of  intense  cruelty  on  the  one  hand,  and  of  courageous 
endurance  on  the  other.  Sir  Henry  Pottinger  at 
once  demanded  reparation  for  this  wrong,  and  Iliang, 
the  Governor  of  Chehkiang,  was  sent  as  Imperial 
Commissioner  to  investigate  the  circumstances. 
Iliang  who,  like  Ilipu,  was  of  the  Imperial  kindred, 
took  a reasonable  view  of  the  situation,  and  through 


MASSACRE  OF  ENGLISHMEN  235 

his  instrumentality  the  Formosan  officials  who  had 
authorised  the  massacre  were  degraded,  and  sent  to 
Peking  for  punishment. 

The  treaty  having  been  concluded,  there  remained 
only  for  Sir  Henry  Pottinger  to  arrange  the  regula- 
tions of  trade.  This  was  no  easy  task,  as  the  Chinese 
in  their  usual  manner,  having  agreed  to  the  terms  of 
treaty,  devoted  all  their  energies  to  whittling  away  its 
provisions.  At  length,  after  much  discussion,  and  no 
little  active  diplomacy,  the  task  was  completed  in 
July,  1843,  and  in  the  following  June  Sir  Henry 
sailed  for  England,  leaving  to  his  successor.  Sir  John 
Davis,  the  management  of  affairs. 

The  new  plenipotentiary  soon  found  that  in  accept- 
ing the  office  of  Superintendent  of  Trade  he  had 
entered  upon  a sea  of  troubles.  At  Canton  the 
officials  and  people  still  gratified  their  hatred  of 
foreigners  by  offering  them  continued  and  constant 
insults.  They  had  been  so  long  accustomed  to 
tyrannise  over  the  foreign  devils,  and  to  consider 
that  their  existence  at  Canton  depended  only  on 
favour,  and  had  no  relation  to  right,  that  they  were 
quite  unable  to  accommodate  themselves  to  the  new 
order  of  things  as  laid  down  by  the  treaty.  They 
declined  to  recognise  the  ex-territorial  clauses,  and 
on  the  occasion  of  a Chinese  subject  being  accident- 
ally killed  by  an  Englishman  they  demanded  that 
the  slayer  should  be  given  up  to  the  tender  mercies 
of  Chinese  justice.  This,  of  course,  was  refused,  and 
the  opportune  arrival  of  Kiying  served  to  suppress 
the  popular  ferment  which  was  rapidly  approaching 
the  point  of  danger.  The  conclusion  of  the  treaty  at 


236 


FOREIGN  RELATIONS  WITH  CHINA 


Nanking  having  inspired  other  nations  with  a desire 
to  follow  in  our  footsteps,  a French  minister,  and  sub- 
sequently an  xAmerican  colleague  appeared  at  Canton 
to  negotiate  with  Ki\dng  treaties  for  their  respective 
countries.  Under  the  sobering  influence  of  Kiying’s 
arrival  and  these  negotiations,  matters  for  a time 
proceeded  more  quietl}'  at  Canton,  and  the  new  ports 
were  opened  to  trade  without  let  or  hindrance.  It 
was  once  said  to  the  writer  by  a Frenchman  who  was 
comparing  the  position  of  his  countrymen  with  that 
of  the  English  in  China,  “We  come  to  China  with 
our  ideas,  }’ou  with  }’our  merchandise.”  One  form 
which  French  ideas  have  ever  taken  in  China  has 
been  the  furtherance  of  the  Roman  Catholic  religion, 
and  the  first  prominent  step  taken  by  Louis  Philippe’s 
representative  was  to  urge  on  the  Imperial  Govern- 
ment the  propriet}'  of  restoring  churches  and  build- 
ings which  in  preceding  years  had  been  destroyed  by 
fanatical  mobs.  Wdth  a consideration  which,  so  far 
as  it  went,  was  admirable,  the  Emperor  granted  this 
request,  but  accompanied  his  concession  by  peremp- 
torily forbidding  foreign  missionaries  from  further 
propagating  the  doctrines  of  their  faith. 

The  prostration  which  has  always  afflicted  China 
after  a foreign  war  has  in  most  cases,  as  is  natural, 
been  instrumental  in  encouraging  the  turbulent  and 
disaffected  portions  of  the  people  to  riot  and  rebel- 
lion. Thus  the  secret  societies  which  had  been 
crushed  for  the  time  being  b}'  the  vigorous  hand  of 
Ch’ienlung  began  again  to  gather  strength  after  the 
war  of  ’42.  The  Triad  Society,  which  was  destined 
to  be  productive  of  the  T’aip’ing  Rebellion,  became 


SECRET  SOCIETIES 


237 


actively  aggressive,  and  with  its  well-known  motto, 
“ Dethrone  the  Ch’ings  and  restore  the  Mings,”  led  a 
rebellion  which  broke  out  in  the  southern  and  central 
provinces  of  the  Empire.  The  example  set  by  this 
Society  was  followed  by  the  “ White  Lily  ” sect  in 
Northern  China,  and  at  the  same  time,  and  probably 
from  the  same  cause,  the  Mahommedans  in  distant 
Kashgaria  broke  out  into  revolt  against  the  “ Son 
of  Heaven.”  With  promptitude  and  vigour  Tao- 
kwang  despatched  troops  to  meet  these  several 
emergencies,  and  we  cannot  but  wonder  at  the 
inefficiency  of  the  different  rebel  forces  when  we 
recollect  that  they  were  conquered  and  suppressed 
by  troops  armed  only  with  bows  and  arrows,  or  with 
the  scarcely  more  formidable  gingalls  and  spears. 
However,  the  fact  has  to  be  acknowledged  that  the 
several  victories  were  complete,  and  so  comparatively 
potent  became  the  commands  of  the  Emperor,  even 
in  furthest  Central  Asia,  that  at  his  word  twelve 
thousand  families  submitted  to  transportation  from 
their  native  Kashgaria  to  the  province  of  Hi. 

“ It  is  difficult  work  being  a mandarin  nowadays,” 
once  remarked  a high  Chinese  official,  and  certainly 
in  the  ’forties  it  was  no  light  task  to  hold  office  at  the 
treaty  ports.  At  Canton  difficulties  were  constantly 
arising,  and  a brutal  assault  on  a party  of  English- 
men when  on  a visit  to  the  neighbouring  town  of 
Fatshan  brought  matters  to  a climax  at  this  port. 
Sir  John  Davis,  considering  that  a standing  protest 
against  such  conduct  should  be  made  once  and  for 
all,  requested  the  admiral  and  general  commanding, 
to  make  reprisals  at  the  source  of  the  mischief.  With 


238  FOREIGN  RELATIONS  WITH  CHINA 

admirable  promptitude  the  commanders  led  their 
forces  up  the  Canton  river,  and  having  once  again 
captured  the  Bogue  forts  and  the  other  defences  in 
the  way,  took  up  a position  opposite  the  city  walls. 
In  his  memorial  to  the  throne  on  this  occasion 
Kiying  expressed  his  supreme  surprise  at  the  appear- 
ance of  the  British  force,  and  complained  of  the  tone 
and  attitude  adopted  by  the  English  plenipotentiary. 
But  though  thus  protesting,  he  considered  it  wise  to 
yield  to  Sir  John  Davis’s  demands,  and  definitely 
agreed  that  the  city  of  Canton  should  be  opened  to 
foreigners  in  two  years’  time  from  that  date  (6th  of 
April,  1847);  that  Englishmen  should  be  at  liberty 
to  roam  for  exercise  or  amusement  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  the  city  ; that  a church  should  be  erected  ; 
and  that  a site  should  be  granted  for  building  pre- 
mises on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river.  At  about 
the  same  time  a somewhat  similar  outrage  occurred 
at  Shanghai.  Three  missionaries  who  had  visited 
a town  in  the  vicinity  were  attacked  by  a number 
of  junkmen  belonging  to  the  vessels  which  were 
anchored  at  the  port.  Mr.  Consul  Alcock  (after- 
wards Sir  Rutherford  Alcock)  at  once  demanded 
reparation  for  the  outrage,  and  not  receiving  it, 
requested  the  captain  of  H.M.S.  Childers  to  prevent 
all  or  any  of  the  fourteen  hundred  grain-junks  and 
fifty  war-junks,  which  were  about  to  sail  for  Peking, 
from  leaving  the  anchorage  until  the  culprits  should 
be  given  up.  Commander  Pitman  was  equal  to  the 
occasion,  and  with  his  single  ship  held  this  vast  fleet 
in  check.  Meanwhile  Mr.  Alcock  despatched  Mr. 
Harry  Parkes  on  board  H.M.S.  Espiegle  to  Nanking, 


H.E.  SIR  HARRY  S.  PARKES,  K.C.B. 


240 


FOREIG.V  RELATIOXS  WITH  CH/XA 


to  lay  before  the  Viceroy  a formal  complaint  against 
the  local  authorities.  The  effect  of  these  measures 
was  excellent.  The  rioters  were  seized  and  punished, 
reparation  was  made,  and  the  lesson  was  duly  taken 
to  heart  by  the  natives,  who  for  years  afterwards 
showed  a friendly  attitude  towards  Europeans.  The 
English  Government  of  the  day  disapproved  of 
Davis’s  action  at  Canton,  fearing  the  outbreak  of 
another  war,  but  Alcock  escaped  censure.  It  is 
unquestionable  that  Sir  John  Davis’s  action  was 
precipitate,  and  might  in  other  circumstances  have 
been  conducive  to  a breach  of  the  peace.  But  it  is 
to  be  remembered  that  he  was  dealing  with  old 
offenders,  and  with  men  of  a turbulent  and  unruly 
spirit.  The  Shanghai  people,  on  the  contrary,  are, 
as  a rule,  peaceable,  and  in  this  case,  as  the  result 
showed,  Alcock’s  more  constitutional  treatment  of 
the  affair  was  crowned  with  complete  success.  But 
similar  action  under  like  circumstances  at  Canton 
would  have  been  as  futile  as  diplomatic  pressure 
without  the  mailed  fist  has  always  been. 

The  Governor  of  Canton  at  the  time  was  the 
redoubtable  Yeh,  who,  after  acting  in  opposition  to 
foreigners,  and  to  ourselves  especially,  for  ten  or 
twelve  years,  was  made  prisoner  by  Sir  Harry 
Parkes,  and  ended  his  days  as  an  exile  in  Calcutta. 
Under  the  influence  of  this  man  things  went  from 
bad  to  worse  within  his  jurisdiction.  Like  most 
Chinamen,  he  had  no  idea  of  administration  in  its 
truest  sense.  His  one  remedy  for  all  political 
offences  was  the  execution  ground.  Popular  rights 
he  ignored  with  even  more  than  Chinese  indifference, 


THE  CANTONESE  OBDURATE 


241 


and  thus  aroused  a spirit  of  antagonism  among  his 
subjects,  which  made  itself  felt  in  every  part  of  the 
province.  Pirates  swept  the  coast,  seizing  on  every 
merchant  junk  which  they  encountered,  until  from  the 
coast  of  Tongking  to  the  neighbourhood  of  Foochow 
merchants  ventured  on  voyages  at  the  risk  of  their 
lives  and  goods.  In  the  interior  of  the  province  the 
Triad  Society  spread  its  noxious  branches,  and  at 
the  port  of  Macao  the  anti-foreign  feeling  of  the 
people  found  vent  in  the  murder  of  the  Governor, 
Signor  Amaral.  The  people  within  the  city  still 
showed  a determined  opposition  to  admitting 
foreigners  within  their  gates,  and  unfortunately 
found  support  for  their  antagonism  from  the 
Emperor  himself,  who  proclaimed  in  an  edict  that, 
“That  to  which  the  hearts  of  the  people  incline  is 
that  on  which  the  decree  of  Heaven  rests.  Now 
the  people  of  Kwangtung  are  unanimous  and  deter- 
mined that  they  will  not  have  foreigners  enter  the 
city,  and  how  can  I post  up  everywhere  my  Imperial 
order,  and  force  an  opposite  course  upon  the  people.” 
These  utterances  were  quite  sufficient  to  stiffen  the 
backs  of  the  Cantonese,  and  encouraged  the  in- 
habitants of  other  towns  to  enforce  the  same 
exclusive  policy.  Near  Canton  stands  the  town  of 
Hwangchukki,  which  has  always  borne  an  evil  repute 
for  violence.  Supported  by  the  Emperor’s  apparent 
approval,  the  natives  of  this  place  determined  to 
emphasise  their  adherence  to  the  policy  of  the  pro- 
vincial capital  whenever  occasion  should  arise.  They 
had  not  long  to  wait.  On  an  ill-fated  day  six 
Englishmen  made  an  excursion  to  the  smaller  city. 

17 


242  FOREIGN  RELATIONS  WITH  CHINA 

The  mob  at  once  rose,  and  with  brutal  violence 
murdered  them  all.  This  was  an  outrage  which 
might  well  have  led  to  a renewal  of  hostilities,  and 
which  probably  would  have  done  so  had  Yeh  been 
in  supreme  command.  The  Imperial  Commissioner 
Kiying,  however,  was  still  on  the  spot,  and  with  wise 
and  immediate  action  ordered  the  capture  of  the 
offenders,  who  in  due  course  were  tried  at  Canton, 
and  beheaded  for  their  crime. 

In  a country  such  as  China  there  is  always  a 
certain  amount  of  discontent  floating  about  which 
needs  but  the  appearance  of  a leader  to  crystallise 
it  into  a body  ready  for  action.  As  we  have  seen 
already,  there  had  long  been  a feeling  of  more  than 
ordinary  unrest  among  the  Cantonese,  and  there  now 
arose  a man  who  was  destined  to  give  expression 
to  the  prevailing  disloyalty,  and  in  the  course  of 
his  exploits  to  shake  the  Empire  to  its  very  base. 
In  a village  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Canton  there 
was  born  of  a Hakka,  or  emigrant  family,  a youth 
possessing  the  name  of  Hung  Hsiuts’uan,  who,  being 
endowed  with  abilities,  and  with  a considerable 
amount  of  ambition,  desired  to  place  his  foot  on 
the  rungs  of  the  official  ladder.  With  this  object 
in  view  he  studied  the  wayworn  classics  of  his 
country,  and  presented  himself  at  Canton  as  a 
candidate  for  examination.  But  the  fates  were 
against  him,  and  his  failure  is  accounted  for  by 
some  who  attribute  it  to  the  fact  of  his  parentage 
— the  Hakkas  being  looked  upon  as  a pariah  class 
— and  by  others  to  his  want  of  scholarship.  On 
the  occasion  of  his  first  visit  to  the  provincial 


hung's  visions 


243 


capital  in  1833  he  chanced  to  meet  an  evangelist, 
who  interested  him  for  the  time  being,  but  whose 
doctrines  soon  lost  all  salutary  effect  upon  him. 
Four  years  later,  however,  he  again  appeared  as  a 
candidate,  and  again  met  the  Scripture  reader,  to 
whose  teachings,  as  was  subsequently  proved,  he 
listened  attentively.  Returning  to  his  home  for 
the  second  time  unsuccessful,  he  fell  ill  with  what 
appeared  likely  to  prove  a fatal  malady.  As  he 
tossed  upon  his  bed  in  his  delirium  he  saw  many 
strange  and  weird  visions.  He  listened  to  the 
music  of  the  spheres.  He  was  visited  by  ominous 
beasts,  and  he  had  a vision  of  the  Almighty,  who 
entered  his  room  and  placed  a sword  in  his  hand, 
with  which  he  commanded  him  to  exterminate  the 
ruling  powers,  at  the  same  time  foretelling  that  there 
lay  a great  future  before  him.  For  forty  days  he 
remained  in  this  delirious  condition,  and  at  the 
end  of  that  time  he  arose  endowed  with  strength, 
and  with  a firm  determination  to  execute  the  behests 
of  his  heavenly  visitor. 

It  is  more  than  probable  that  Hung  really  believed 
in  his  divine  mission.  It  is  no  uncommon  thing  for 
hysterical  youths,  especially  when  under  the  influence 
of  pseudo-religious  fanaticism,  to  place  faith  in  visions 
and  prophetic  utterances.  In  his  case  also  it  is  plain 
that  the  illness  which  overtook  him  was  of  a purely 
nervous  character.  But  notwithstanding  their  neurotic 
source  his  convictions  were  strong,  and  he  was  able 
to  impress  those  about  him  with  a belief  in  his  views. 
By  degrees,  first  of  all  in  his  own  household,  and 
afterwards  in  the  neighbourhood,  followers  gathered 


244 


FOREIGN  RELATIONS  WITH  CHINA 


to  him,  and  he  and  they  attempted  to  spread  the 
doctrines  of  the  Shangti  Hui,  or  the  “ Association  of 
the  Almighty,”  which  he  established.  The  term  Hui, 
however,  alarmed  the  authorities.  It  is  the  common 
title  taken  by  the  Secret  Societies  which  so  largely 
infest  the  Empire,  and  which  are  so  abhorrent  in 
the  eyes  of  the  mandarins.  They  therefore  declared 
the  association  to  be  treasonable,  and  Hung  found 
it  advisable  to  drop  the  epithet.  Though  discarding 
the  obnoxious  word,  however,  he  proceeded  at  once 
to  associate  himself  with  a far  more  treasonable 
corporation  than  the  Shangti  Hui,  viz.,  the  “Triad 
Society,”  and  so  active  did  his  followers  become  in 
this  cause  that  the  Government,  in  alarm,  despatched 
three  Imperial  Commissioners  from  Peking  to  stamp 
out  the  movement.  Of  these  three  men  Tahungah, 
who  had  ordered  the  massacre  of  the  British  sailors 
in  Formosa,  was  chief  With  him  were  associated 
Saishangah,  a notorious  profligate  and  Prime 
Minister,  and  Hsingte.  Though  armed  with  pleni- 
potentiary powers  these  three  courtiers  carefully 
refrained  from  coming  to  close  quarters  with 
Hung’s  troops,  who,  full  of  iconoclastic  zeal, 
destroyed  the  Buddhist  temples  in  the  country- 
side, and  threw  down  the  idols. 

But  more  serious  matters  than  these  anti-religious 
ebullitions  speedily  demanded  the  attention  of  the 
rebels.  Circumstances  had  driv^en  them  to  take  up 
arms  against  the  Empire,  and  having  captured  two 
market  towns  in  their  neighbourhood,  they  ventured 
to  attack  the  city  of  Lienchow.  This  place  they  took 
without  much  difficulty,  and  in  succession,  Taitsun, 


REBEL  SUCCESSES 


245 


Yunganchow  and  Nanning  Fu,  the  port  which  it  is 
now  proposed  to  open,  fell  into  their  hands.  These 
successes  created  a panic  at  Canton,  and  Yeh  made 
strenuous  efforts  to  strengthen  the  defences  of  the 
city  in  anticipation  of  a siege.  In  a memorial  pre- 
sented to  the  throne  at  this  time,  a Canton  official 
described  the  state  of  the  province  in  these  words, 
“ the  whole  country  swarms  with  the  rebels.  Our 
funds  are  nearly  at  an  end,  and  our  troops  are  few  ; 
our  officers  disagree  and  the  power  is  not  concentrated. 
The  commander  of  the  forces  wants  to  extinguish  a 
burning  waggon  load  of  faggots  with  a cupful  of 
water.  ...  I fear  we  shall  hereafter  have  some 
serious  affair,  that  the  great  body  of  the  people  will  rise 
against  us,  and  that  our  own  followers  will  leave  us.” 
After  the  above  victories.  Hung  was  gratified  by 
experiencing  the  truth  of  the  common  saying  that 
nothing  succeeds  like  success.  Following  on  each 
capture  troops  flocked  to  his  standard,  probably 
actuated  more  by  the  desire  for  plunder  than  from 
any  political  convictions.  At  all  events  they  added 
to  his  strength,  but  the  movement  being  rather  of  a 
destructive  than  constructive  nature,  it  was  necessary 
that  he  should  constantly  lead  his  new  recruits  for- 
ward, and  having  exhausted  the  resources  of  one 
district,  seek  fresh  woods  and  pastures  new,  elsewhere. 
With  this  object  he  marched  northwards  instead  of 
against  the  provincial  capital,  having  first  proclaimed 
his  authority  by  issuing  degrees  purporting  to  have 
been  communicated  to  him  by  the  Heavenly  Father. 
Crossing  the  northern  frontier  of  Kwangtung  he 
marched  into  Hunan,  and  striking  the  Hsiang  river 


246  FOREIGN  RELATIONS  WITH  CHINA 

followed  dbwn  its  course  taking  all  such  cities  as 
were  not  strong  enough  to  resist  him.  Up  to  this 
point  Hung  had  not  met  a single  Chinese  commander 
possessing  any  courage  or  a modicum  of  military 
ability.  He  was  now  to  enter  into  conflict  with  a 
general  of  a very  different  stamp,  and  who  was 
destined  in  the  end  to  bring  the  rebellion  to  ruin. 

On  the  approach  of  the  rebels  Tseng  Kwofan,  the 
father  of  the  Marquis  Tseng  who  lately  represented 
China  at  the  Court  of  St.  James,  threw  himself  into 
Changsha,  the  capital  of  the  province,  and  with  all 
speed  set  to  work  to  fortify  the  town  and  to  equip  a 
defending  force.  The  success  of  his  tactics  was 
complete.  Thrice  the  T’aip’ings  attacked  the  walls 
and  thrice  they  were  beaten  back  by  the  actively  led 
garrison.  This  successful  resistance  having  made  it 
plain  to  the  “ Heavenly  King  ” that  the  capture  of 
the  city  was  beyond  his  powers,  he  raised  the  siege, 
and  leaving  that  and  the  important  town  of  Hsiangtan 
in  Imperial  hands,  continued  his  way  to  theYangtsze- 
kiang.  In  quick  succession  Yochow,  Wuchang  and 
Kiukiang  were  taken  by  his  troops,  and  at  the  last 
named  place  he  successfully  withstood  a siege  con- 
ducted by  Tseng  Kwofan,  who  had  followed  close  on 
his  heels. 

It  is  easy  to  believe  that  after  these  undoubtedly 
great  successes  Hung’s  belief  in  his  divine  mission 
became  engrained  in  him,  and  in  March,  1853,  he 
published  a book  of  Celestial  Decrees,  containing  a 
series  of  revelations  which  to  an  unprejudiced 
observer  have  all  the  appearance  of  gross  profana- 
tion. One  of  these  documents  contains  the  follow- 


AN  IMPIOUS  PROCLAMATION 


247 


ing  passage  : “ The  Heavenly  Father  addressed 
the  multitude,  saying,  ‘ O my  children  ! do  you 
know  your  Heavenly  Father,  and  your  Celestial 
Brother?’  To  which  they  all  replied,  ‘We  know 
our  Heavenly  Father  and  Celestial  Elder  Brother.’ 
The  Heavenly  Father  then  said,  ‘ Do  you  know  your 
Lord,  and  truly  ? ’ To  which  they  all  replied,  ‘We 
know  our  Lord  right  well.’  The  Heavenly  Father 
said,  ‘ I have  sent  your  Lord  down  into  the  world  to 
become  the  Celestial  King  (T’ienwang,  the  title  which 
Hung  had  adopted)  ; every  word  he  utters  is  a 
Celestial  command  to  which  you  must  be  obedient ; 
you  must  truly  assist  your  Lord  and  regard  your 
King  ; you  must  not  dare  to  act  disorderly,  nor  to  be 
disrespectful.  If  you  do  not  regard  your  Lord  and 
King,  every  one  of  you  will  be  involved  in  difficulty.’” 
With  such  strange  and  unnatural  incitements  Hung 
secured  the  allegiance  of  his  ignorant  followers,  and 
with  full  confidence  of  success  led  them  to  the  attack 
on  Nanking,  the  ancient  capital  of  the  Empire. 
Though  the  garrison  was  a large  one,  composed 
partly  of  Manchus  and  partly  of  Chinese  soldiers, 
only  a half-hearted  defence  was  made.  Without 
much  difficulty  a gate  was  blown  up,  and  the 
T’aip’ings  rushing  into  the  breach  secured  possession 
of  the  walls.  The  miserable  garrison,  too  cowardly 
to  defend  an  exceptionally  strong  position,  had  the 
further  baseness  to  plead — they  pleaded  in  vain — for 
their  lives  at  the  hands  of  the  conquerors.  The 
T’aip’ings  had  not  learned,  and  never  did  learn,  the 
lesson  that  mercy  blesses  those  who  give,  and  without 
hesitation  they  made  a clean  sweep  of  their  abject 


248  FOREIGX  RELATIONS  WITH  CHINA 

foes.  It  is  said  that  out  of  twenty  thousand  Manchu 
citizens  not  a hundred  were  left  to  tell  the  tale  of 
the  slaughter.  As  a T’aip’ing  said  to  Mr.  Consul 
Meadows  at  the  time,  “ We  killed  them  all,  to  the 
infant  in  arms  ; we  left  not  a root  to  sprout  from  ; 
and  the  bodies  of  the  slain  we  cast  into  the 
Yangtsze.” 

Having  thus  established  himself  in  the  second  city 
of  the  Empire,  the  “ Heavenly  King  ” made  some 
efforts  towards  introducing  a system  of  administra- 
tion among  his  followers.  As  self-assertion  always 
exercises  a powerful  influence  in  the  assumption  of 
authority,  he  determined  to  adopt  the  Imperial 
purple  and  to  proclaim  himself  Emperor  of  China, 
at  the  same  time  announcing  that  his  Dynasty  was 
to  be  known  in  the  future  as  the  T’aip’ing  Dynasty. 
In  support  of  this  new  dignity  he  severally  appointed 
four  of  his  principal  supporters  as  Kings  of  the 
North,  East,  South,  and  West.  These  very  incom- 
plete efforts  towards  establishing  a Government 
seem  to  have  exhausted  his  exertions  and  ability, 
and  he  sank  from  this  time  into  obscurity.  He  was 
never  subsequently  seen  beyond  the  gates  of  his 
palace,  where  he  was  waited  upon  by  women  only, 
and  where,  in  the  midst  of  very  questionable 
surroundings,  he  gave  himself  up  to  a life  of 
indolence  and  self  indulgence.  In  these  circum- 
stances the  management  of  affairs  naturally  drifted 
into  the  hands  of  those  who  were  able  and  willing 
to  accept  the  responsibility  of  office,  and  practically 
the  four  kings  exercised  complete  and  irresponsible 
authority  in  all  matters  connected  with  the  new 


THE  t' JEN  WANG  CALLED  TO  ACCOUNT  249 

dynasty.  The  Eastern  King,  who  seems  to  have 
followed  more  closely  than  the  others  in  the  steps 
of  his  liege  lord,  was,  or  pretended  to  be,  subject 
to  trances,  in  one  of  which  ecstatic  conditions  he 
received  a “ message  from  the  Almighty  ” ordering 
him  to  rebuke  and  chastise  the  T’ienwang  for  his 
treatment  of  the  women  within  the  palace.  Yang, 
who  appeared  to  be  by  no  means  loth  to  exercise 
the  delegated  authority  thus  granted  him,  took  his 
chief  to  task,  and  even  induced  him  to  prostrate 
himself  to  receive  the  chastisement  decreed  by  the 
Most  High.  This  humiliation  was  considered  to  be 
sufficient,  and  Yang,  instead  of  inflicting  the  merited 
stripes,  proceeded  to  remonstrate  with  him  on 
the  gross  impropriety  of  kicking  and  otherwise 
ill  using  his  concubines  and  female  attendants.  For 
a time  the  T’ienwang  submitted  to  these  rebukes, 
and  even  proclaimed  Yang  to  be  the  personification 
of  the  Holy  Ghost.  But  at  last  the  yoke  became 
unendurable,  and  on  a charge  of  treachery  which 
ill  became  his  divine  character,  Yang  was  tried, 
condemned,  and  beheaded. 

The  position  which  the  T’aip’ings  had  thus  secured 
on  the  Yangtsze-kiang  naturally  induced  foreigners, 
who  had  watched  the  progress  of  the  movement  with 
interest  and  some  concern,  to  desire  to  gauge 
accurately  the  objects  and  power  of  the  rebels. 
It  was  plain  that  if,  as  then  appeared  likely,  they 
were  destined  to  overthrow  the  ruling  dynasty,  it 
would  be  an  advantage  to  be  brought  into  contact 
with  some  of  their  leading  men  and  to  have  some 
idea  of  the  policy  which  they  were  likely  to  pursue. 


250 


FOREIGN  RELATIONS  WITH  CHINA 


Governor  Bonham  was  among  the  first  to  visit 
Nanking  with  this  object  in  view,  but  beyond 
satisfying  his  curiosity  and  exciting  a superficial 
interest  among  the  rebels,  the  visit  proved  to  be 
singularly  unproductive  of  results. 

So  far,  however,  fortune  had  smiled  on  the  T’ien- 
wang,  but  it  was  obvious  that  so  long  as  Peking  was 
beyond  his  grasp  he  must  be  considered  to  have 
failed  of  the  goal  which  was  his  ultimate  aim.  At  a 
council  of  war  held  at  Nanking  this  subject  was 
debated,  and  it  was  finally  determined  that  the  die 
should  be  cast,  and  that  an  expedition  should  be 
sent  against  the  northern  capital.  In  March,  1853, 
a column  started  northwards  on  this  adventurous 
endeavour.  So  completely  had  the  terror  of  the 
T’aip’ing  name  influenced  the  garrisons  of  towns  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  the  great  river  that  without  let 
or  hindrance  the  column  marched  triumphantly  as 
far  as  K’aifung  Fu,  the  capital  city  of  Honan.  Here 
a bold  front  was  shown  to  the  invaders,  who,  finding 
the  capture  of  the  city  to  be  beyond  their  power, 
raised  the  siege,  as  their  manner  was  in  all  similar 
cases,  and  continued  their  march  northwards. 
Without  meeting  with  any  serious  opposition  they 
traversed  the  province  of  Shansi  and  captured  the 
town  of  Shenchow  (Shinchow)  in  the  Metropolitan 
province.  Thence  they  advanced  to  Tsinghai, 
within  twenty  miles  of  Tientsin,  and  there  en- 
trenched themselves.  The  march  had  been  daringly 
and  well  executed,  and  it  reflects  infinite  discredit 
on  the  Imperial  forces  that  so  much  had  been 
accomplished  at  so  small  a cost.  In  a six  months’ 


A MARCH  ON  PEKING 


251 


raid  the  rebels  had  captured  twenty-six  cities,  and 
had  finally  established  themselves  within  a hundred 
miles  of  Peking.  But  the  effort  had  been  made  in 
defiance  of  the  true  principles  of  warfare.  They  had 
no  supports,  and  like  all  Oriental  armies  they  were 
absolutely  without  commissariat,  being  dependent 
only  on  plunder  for  their  daily  bread.  Movement 
was  therefore  essential  to  their  existence,  and  after 
a short  rest  at  Tsinghai,  they  marched  to  the  attack 
of  the  neighbouring  city  of  Tientsin.  Here  they 
found  General  Sankolinsin,  who  subsequently  com- 
manded the  Imperial  forces  against  the  Allies,  in 
possession,  and  failed  to  make  any  impression  on 
the  fortifications  garrisoned  by  the  troops  of  this 
veteran.  This  check  was  fatal  to  the  expedition. 
To  have  marched  on  Peking  with  Tientsin  untaken 
in  their  rear  would  have  been  an  act  of  full-moon 
madness,  and  the  general  in  command  wisely  deter- 
mined rather  to  force  his  way  back  to  Nanking  than 
to  advance  to  certain  ruin. 

With  some  difficulty  and  considerable  loss  he  man- 
aged to  cut  his  way  through  the  intervening  Imperial 
host,  and  eventually  succeeded  in  bringing  a remnant 
of  his  forces  to  the  capital  of  his  chief  Another 
column  which  had  started  with  the  idea  of  support- 
ing the  first  expedition,  on  hearing  of  the  retreat 
from  Tsinghai,  retired  with  alacrity  and  retraced  its 
steps  to  Nanking.  It  was  in  connection  with  these 
expeditions  that  Li  Hungchang,  wlio  has  since 
filled  so  prominent  a place  in  Chinese  politics,  first 
stepped  on  to  the  stage.  Feeling  that  it  was  a time 
when  China  might  reasonably  expect  every  man  to 


252 


FOREIGN  RELATIONS  WITH  CHINA 


do  his  duty,  Li,  who  was  still  residing  under  the 
parental  roof  at  Hofei  in  Anhui,  raised  a regiment 
of  militia  to  contest  the  progress  of  the  northern 
column.  Whether  from  a disinclination  to  meet  the 
enemy  face  to  face,  or  from  the  fact  that  he  was  too 
late  in  the  field  to  do  so,  certain  it  is  that  his  military 
tactics  consisted  in  following  in  the  track  of  the 
rebels  and  harassing  their  rear-guard  so  long  as  they 
remained  within  the  frontier  of  Anhui.  Though 
there  was  nothing  striking  in  these  military  man- 
ceuvres  of  the  future  Viceroy,  his  patriotic  exertions 
were  of  sufficient  value  to  attract  the  attention  of 
Tseng  Kwofan,  who  from  that  time  forth  became  his 
constant  patron  and  friend. 

The  non-success  of  this  attempt  on  Peking  was  a 
serious  blow  to  the  T’aip’ing  cause.  Not  only  had 
the  rebels  lost  prestige  by  it,  but  it  had  deprived 
them  of  fresh  districts  from  which  they  might 
recruit  their  ranks  and  plunder  necessaries.  In  this 
dilemma  they  were  driven  to  enlarge  their  borders  on 
the  banks  of  the  great  river,  and  from  Ichang  to  Yang- 
chow  they  soon  reigned  supreme,  if  it  is  possible  to 
speak  of  such  banditti  as  reigning  at  all.  Adminis- 
tration can  hardly  be  said  to  have  entered  into  their 
system,  and  the  fiendish  barbarity  with  which  they 
desolated  cities  and  villages  has  even  to  the  present 
day  left  its  mark  on  some  of  the  fairest  provinces  of 
China.  Nanking  itself  was  at  this  time  ruled  without 
any  regard  for  law  and  right,  and  presented  a sordid 
scene  of  Oriental  debauchery  accompanied  with  all 
the  intrigues  and  murders  which  usually  belong  to 
such  a state.  No  man’s  life  was  safe  for  five  minutes, 


REBEL  REVERSES 


253 


and  a reign  of  terror  took  possession  of  the  followers 
of  the  Dynasty  of  Great  Peace  (T’aip’ing).  As  was 
inevitable,  this  state  of  things  at  headquarters 
affected  by  degrees  the  efficiency  of  the  troops  in  the 
provinces,  and  the  Imperialists,  taking  heart  of  grace 
at  the  disorder  which  prevailed,  recovered  a number 
of  cities  with  almost  as  much  ease  as  that  with  which 
the  T’aip’ings  a short  time  before  had  made  them- 
selves masters  of  them.  Gradually  the  forces  of  the 
T’ienwang  were  confined  between  the  cities  of  Nan- 
king and  Anking  on  the  Yangtsze-kiang,  both  of 
which  were  closely  beleaguered. 


IX 

THE  SECOND  CHINA  WAR 

While  these  things  were  going  on  in  the  central 
provinces  of  the  Empire,  movements  unconnected 
with  the  T’aip’ings,  but  doubtless  produced  by  the 
unrest  occasioned  by  these  truculent  disturbers  of  the 
peace,  broke  out  in  various  parts  of  the  Empire. 
Canton,  that  hot-bed  of  disaffection,  was  in  a state  of 
ferment,  and  Yeh’s  energies  were  taxed  to  the  utmost 
to  preserve  even  the  apparent  supremacy  of  the 
Emperor.  In  Szech’uan  and  Kweichow  bands  of 
rebels  appeared  who  desolated  country  districts,  and 
held  walled  cities  in  defiance  of  the  Imperial  com- 
manders. It  was  while  the  country  was  thus  seething 
with  discontent  that  Taokwang,  whose  health  had  for 
some  time  been  failing,  became  seriously  ill.  The 
Chinese  are  firm  believers  in  signs  in  the  skies.  To 
them  a comet  presages  disturbance  in  the  Empire 
and  misfortunes  to  the  ruling  house,  while  an  eclipse 
of  the  sun  forebodes  an  equally  ominous  future. 
Curiously  enough  in  nearly  similar  circumstances  to 
those  of  the  present  year  an  eclipse  of  the  sun  was 
foretold  for  the  Chinese  New  Year’s  day  (a.D.  1850). 

254 


AN  OMINOUS  PORTENT 


255 


This  combination  of  time  added  unnatural  terrors  to 
the  portent,  and  in  his  superstitious  terror  Taokwang 
had  the  supreme  imprudence  to  order  that  New 
Year’s  Day  should  be  postponed  for  twenty-four 
hours.  It  is  probable  that  the  omen,  as  is  so  often 
the  case,  was  the  means  of  working  its  own  fulfil- 
ment, and  before  many  weeks  were  over  Taokwang 
became,  at  the  age  of  sixty-nine,  a “ Guest  on  high,” 
leaving  his  distracted  country  to  his  fourth  son,  who 
adopted  as  his  Imperial  title  the  epithet  of  Hsienfeng, 
or  “ Complete  Abundance.” 

Why  Hsienfeng  was  chosen  to  succeed  to  the 
throne  does  not  clearly  appear.  By  the  law  of  suc- 
cession in  China  the  dying  Emperor  has  the  right  of 
nominating  any  one  of  his  sons  whom  he  may  please 
as  his  successor,  quite  irrespective  of  the  rule  of  pri- 
mogeniture. Taokwang  was  blessed  with  eight  sons, 
the  next  one  to  Hsienfeng  being  Prince  Kung,  whose 
name  has  long  been  prominently  before  the  public  as 
President  of  the  Tsungli  Yamen.  A still  younger 
brother  was  Prince  Chun,  the  father  of  the  present 
Emperor  Kwanghsii.  At  the  time  of  his  assuming 
the  Imperial  crown  Hsienfeng  was  nineteen  years  of 
age  and  with  the  blessing  of  youth  combined  the 
headstrong  disposition  which  is  commonly  supposed 
to  belong  to  it.  The  old  councillors  Kiying  and 
Muchangah,  who  had  served  his  father  long  and  well, 
he  incontinently  dismissed  from  office,  and  appointed 
in  their  places  men  of  far  less  ability,  but  who  possessed 
in  his  eyes  the  qualification  of  being  violently  anti- 
foreign.  The  influence  of  these  changes  soon  made 
itself  felt  in  the  provinces,  and  prompted  the  Foo- 


256 


THE  SECOND  CHINA  WAR 


chow  ofificials  to  imitate  the  example  of  the  Canton 
mandarins  and  to  refuse  to  admit  foreigners  within 
the  walls  of  the  city  (1850).  At  the  same  time  six 
Pailous  or  Gates  of  Honour  were  erected  at  Canton 
to  the  Viceroy  Hsli  for  the  part  he  had  played  in 
preserving  the  streets  of  the  city  from  the  polluting 


EXTRANXE  TO  THE  TSUNGLI  YAMEX,  PEKIXG. 


presence  of  foreigners.  Altogether  there  were  many 
signs  that  Hsienfeng’s  position  would  be  by  no  means 
a bed  of  roses,  and  Nature  combined  with  foreigners 
to  disturb  the  peace  of  the  Emperor.  A famine 
occurred  in  the  country  round  Peking  which  carried 
off  many  thousands  of  the  people  ; a destructive 
earthquake  swept  over  the  province  of  Szech’uan  ; 


IMPERIAL  REMONSTRANCES 


2S7 


while  fires  of  unusual  magnitude  and  ferocity  destroyed 
whole  districts. 

It  is  part  of  the  Imperial  etiquette  of  China  that 
the  ruling  Emperor  should  see  in  any  convulsions  of 
nature  a reflection  on  his  own  conduct,  and  of  that  of 
the  officials  under  him.  And  in  this  spirit  Hsien- 
feng,  in  face  of  the  calamities  which  surrounded  him, 
issued  an  edict  in  which,  after  belauding  his  “ pro- 
foundly benevolent  and  exceedingly  gracious  ” 
parent,  he  proceeded  to  depreciate  himself  and  his 
officers  in  these  words.  “ We,  although  not  laying 
claim  to  the  title  of  an  intelligent  ruler,  will  at  the 
same  time  not  lay  the  blame  unnecessarily  upon  our 
Ministers  and  officers  ; but  we  just  ask  them  in  the 
silent  hour  of  the  night  to  lay  their  hands  upon  their 
hearts,  and  see  if  they  can  allow  themselves  to  rest 
satisfied  with  such  a state  of  things  ; if  they  do  not 
now  reproach  themselves  most  bitterly  for  their 
remissness,  they  will,  at  some  future  period,  be  in- 
volved in  evils  which  they  will  not  be  able  to  remedy. 
We,  therefore,  publicly  announce  to  all  our  officers 
great  and  small,  that  if  from  henceforth  you  do  not 
change  your  habits,  and  if  you  pay  no  regard  to  this 
our  decree,  we  are  determined  sev'erely  to  punish 
you  according  to  the  utmost  rigour  of  the  law,  with- 
out allowing  the  least  indulgence  or  permitting  rigour 
to  be  tempered  by  clemency  ; for  the  necessity  of  the 
present  crisis  demands  it.”  Judging  from  appear- 
ances these  admonitions  fell  on  deaf  ears,  for  no 
attempt  was  made  to  reform  the  glaring  abuses  which 
existed  and  still  exist  in  the  country. 

At  Canton  the  question  of  admittance  into  the' 

i8 


258 


THE  SECOXD  CHINA  WAR 


city  was  still  straining  the  relations  between  Sir 
George  Bonham  and  Yeh.  The  promise  that  had 
been  giv^en  by  Kiying  that  the  gates  should  be 
thrown  open  to  foreigners  in  1849  fulfilled  by 

his  successor,  who,  as  time  went  on,  declared  his 
opinion  that  as  the  season  had  passed  when  the  con- 
cession was  to  have  taken  effect,  the  promise  must  be 
considered  as  abrogated.  And  he  further  protested 
against  yielding  the  privilege,  on  the  ostensible 
ground  that  the  people  were  of  so  unruly  a nature 
that  to  grant  it  would  be  to  incur  serious  danger 
both  to  foreigners  and  to  the  Imperial  authorities 
themselves.  This  has  always  been  a favourite  excuse 
with  the  Chinese  when  a request  has  been  advanced 
by  foreigners  with  which  they  find  it  difficult  to 
comply.  It  was  for  many  years  the  traditional 
reason  given  for  not  allowing  the  establishment  of 
foreign  Legations  at  Peking.  But,  as  at  Canton, 
where  on  gaining  possession  of  the  city  the  people 
proved  to  be  perfectly  friendly,  so  when  in  1861  Sir 
Frederick  Bruce  and  his  staff  took  up  their  residence 
at  the  capital  they  were  received  with  every  civility 
b}'  the  populace.  It  was,  however,  felt  to  be  essential 
that  the  point  in  dispute  at  Canton  should  be  cleared 
up  once  and  for  all,  and  when  Sir  John  Bowring 
succeeded  Sir  George  Bonham  in  1852  he  took  up  the 
question  with  energy.  Writing  to  Lord  Clarendon 
he  said,  “ I am  still  of  opinion  that,  until  the  city 
question  of  Canton  is  settled,  there  is  little  hope  of 
our  relations  being  placed  on  anything  like  a satis- 
factory foundation  ; and,  moreover,  that  the  settle- 
ment of  the  said  city  question  might  be  brought 


BOW  RING  AND  YEH 


259 


about  without  any  risk  or  danger  to  our  great 
interests  in  China.  In  my  matured  judgment  it  has 
been  delayed  too  long.” 

Sir  John  Bowring’s  first  step  in  the  controversy 
was  to  notify  his  appointment  as  Superintendent  of 
Trade  to  Yeh  and  to  invite  him  to  an  interview. 
Yeh’s  reply  was  characteristic  of  the  man.  He  con- 
gratulated Sir  John  on  his  appointment,  and  then 
went  on  to  decline  the  invitation  on  the  ground  that 
his  time  was  fully  occupied  in  making  dispositions 
for  the  campaign  against  the  rebels.  Being  further 
pressed  on  the  point  he  had  the  impertinence  to  pro- 
pose that  Sir  John  should  meet  him  at  a packhouse 
outside  the  walls  of  the  city.  Sir  John  naturally 
declined  this  proposal  and  it  was  while  foreign 
relations  were  in  this  condition  that  Yeh  put  forward 
a request  which  could  only  have  been  made  by  a 
Chinaman.  While  with  one  hand  he  dealt  out  scorn 
and  derision  against  foreigners,  with  the  other  he 
asked  their  help  to  assist  in  the  suppression  of 
the  rebels  who  were  troubling  his  peace.  It  is 
needless  to  say  that  this  also  was  declared  to  be 
impossible. 

It  was  while  matters  were  in  this  condition  that 
Parkes  (afterwards  Sir  Harry)  was  appointed  Consul 
at  Canton  (1856).  His  well-known  ability,  courage, 
and  perseverance  peculiarly  qualified  him  for  the 
post  at  this  crisis,  and  throughout  the  whole  quarrel 
he  ably  supported  Sir  John  Bowring  in  the  line  he 
was  adopting  with  regard  to  the  great  question  in 
dispute.  Yeh  had  refused  to  receive  Parkes,  and, 
though  willing  to  keep  up  an  official  correspondence 


26o 


THE  SECOND  CHINA  WAR 


with  him,  declined  to  change  his  main  attitude  in  the 
least  degree.  Led  by  their  truculent  governor,  the 
people  of  the  city  heaped  constant  insults  on  the 
European  merchants,  and  handbills  were  publicly 
circulated  throughout  the  city  calling  on  the  people 
to  expel  the  intruders.  One  of  these  documents 
concluded  with  the  following  words : “ Hereafter, 
therefore,  whenever  any  barbarian  dogs  come  within 
our  limits,  we  ought,  by  calling  together  our  families, 
to  maintain  the  dignity  of  our  city  (or  province),  and, 
bravely  rushing  upon  them,  kill  every  one.  Thus 
may  we,  in  the  first  place,  appease  the  anger  of 
Heaven,  in  the  second  give  evidence  of  our  loyalty 
and  patriotism,  and  in  the  third  restore  peace  and 
quiet  in  our  homes.  How  great  would  be  the  happi- 
ness we  should  thus  secure  ! ” Parkes  remonstrated 
vehemently  with  Yeh  against  the  continued  publica- 
tion of  this  manifesto,  but  got  no  redress,  though  the 
effect  of  it  was  presently  illustrated  by  a violent  and 
most  unprovoked  attack  which  was  made  upon  two 
Englishmen  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  city. 

Affairs  had  now  reached  a point  in  which  it  was 
impossible  for  Englishmen  to  preserve  their  dignity 
and  to  maintain  peace,  and  an  outrage  which  occurred 
almost  immediately  after  the  assault  just  referred  to, 
was  of  so  flagrant  a nature  that.it  ended  in  a declara- 
tion of  war.  An  English  lorcha  named  the  Arrow, 
flying  the  British  flag,  was  boarded  when  at  anchor  at 
Whampoa  by  Chinese  officials,  who  hauled  down  the 
flag  and  threw  it  with  contempt  on  the  deck.  So 
soon  as  the  news  of  this  outrage  reached  the  British 
Consulate,  Parkes  wrote  to  Yeh  remonstrating  on  the 


THE  ARROW  AFFAIR 


261 

action  of  his  subordinates,  who  added  to  their  guilt 
by  carrying  off  the  twelve  men  constituting  the 
crew.  Yeh’s  answer  was,  as  might  have  been 
expected,  evasive,  but  Parkes  was  persistent,  and 
stated  in  good  round  terms  that  he  would  be  satisfied 
with  nothing  less  than  an  ample  apology  and  the 
instant  and  public  return  of  the  captive  crew. 
On  this,  in  the  true  Chinese  spirit,  Yeh  sent  back 
nine  of  the  men,  and  claimed  two  of  the  others  as 
malefactors  and  one  as  a witness  ; after,  however, 
boxing  the  compass  of  evasion,  he  was  compelled 
eventually  to  deliver  up  the  twelve  sailors,  but  in  so 
underhand  a way  did  he  effect  the  manumission  that 
Parkes  refused  to  receive  them,  and  repeated  his 
demand  that  they  should  be  returned  as  openly  as 
they  had  been  carried  off.  Yeh  still  remaining 
recalcitrant.  Sir  John  Bowring  authorised  the  capture 
of  a native  vessel  by  way  of  reprisal.  As  this 
produced  no  beneficial  effect,  he  recognised  that 
matters  had  again  reached  that  stage  when,  as  had  so 
often  happened,  it  was  necessary  to  place  the  affair  in 
the  hands  of  the  Admiral.  The  British  naval  forces 
had  become  so  accustomed  by  repeated  experience 
to  capturing  the  Bogue  forts  and  the  other  defences 
of  the  city  that  Sir  Michael  Seymour  moved  almost 
automatically  to  the  position  which  it  was  necessary 
to  take  up,  and  with  no  difficulty  forced  his  way  to 
Canton  after  having  made  himself  master  on  his 
voyage  up  the  river  of  the  fortifications  in  which  the 
Chinese  so  foolishly  continued  to  trust.  Towards 
the  end  of  October  (1856)  the  Admiral’s  ships  appeared 
opposite  the  walls  of  Canton,  and  Sir  Michael 


262 


THE  SECOXD  CHIXA  WAR 


Seymour,  after  having  warned  the  inhabitants  that 
he  was  about  to  inflict  punishment  on  their  obstinate 
governor,  opened  fire  on  the  offender’s  yamen.  Even 
this  measure  failed  to  bring  Yeh  to  reason,  who 
aggravated  his  offences  by  issuing  the  following  ill- 
judged  proclamation  : “ The  English  barbarians  have 
attacked  the  provincial  city,  and  wounded  and  injured 
our  soldiers  and  people.  Their  crimes  are  indeed 
of  the  most  heinous  nature.  Wherefore  I hereby 
distinctly  command  you  to  join  together  to  exter- 
minate them,  and  I publicly  proclaim  to  all  the 
military  and  people,  householders  and  others,  that 
\’ou  should  unite  with  all  the  means  at  your 
command  to  assist  the  soldiers  and  militia  in  exter- 
minating these  troublous  English  villains,  killing 
them  wherever  \’ou  meet  them,  whether  on  shore  or 
in  their  ships.  For  each  of  their  lives  that  you  may 
thus  take  you  shall  receiv'e,  as  before,  thirty  dollars. 
All  ought  to  respect  and  obey,  and  neither  oppose 
nor  disregard  this  special  proclamation.” 

It  was  plain  that  with  the  issuer  of  this  document 
there  could  be  no  exchange  of  compliments,  and 
the  Admiral,  having  shelled  out  Yeh’s  yamen, 
breached  the  walls  of  the  city  with  his  guns,  and 
landed  a party  to  accentuate  the  helpless  condition 
of  the  town.  Yeh’s  vaunted  preparations  to  destroy 
the  foreign  devils  proved,  like  all  his  boasts,  to  be  of 
no  value  when  brought  to  the  supreme  test.  With 
little  difficulty,  and  with  only  a small  loss  of  men, 
the  wall  was  gained,  and  the  possession  of  a city 
gate  was  secured.  Through  this  portal,  which  was 
now  freely  opened  for  the  first  time  to  foreigners.  Sir 


LORD  ELGIN  APPOINTED  263 

Michael  Seymour  entered  with  Parkes  and  visited 
the  ruins  of  Yeh’s  yamen.  Unfortunately  the  force 
at  the  admiral’s  command  was  quite  insufficient  to 
occupy  the  city  effectively,  and  he  therefore  with- 
drew his  men  to  the  ships,  and  at  the  same  time 
wrote  home  an  urgent  appeal  for  five  thousand  men 
to  enable  him  to  inflict  the  necessary  punishment  on 
the  obstructive  governor. 

It  was  plain  to  Lord  Clarendon,  who  was  at  this 
time  Foreign  Secretary,  that  the  matter  was  of 
sufficient  importance  to  make  it  necessary  that  a 
man  with  higher  rank  than  that  of  Sir  John  Bowring 
should  be  on  the  spot  to  carry  on  the  necessary 
negotiations.  The  choice  of  the  Cabinet  fell  upon 
Lord  Elgin,  and  though  the  natural  kindliness  of  his 
disposition  made  him  too  often  unwilling  to  inflict 
well-merited  punishment,  and  inclined  him  to  listen 
with  too  ready  an  ear  to  the  excuses  and  apologies 
of  the  authorities,  he  yet  proved  himself  an  able 
ambassador  and  a skilful  diplomatist.  With  as  little 
delay  as  possible  he  sailed  for  China,  taking  with  him 
the  force  for  which  Sir  Michael  Se}UTiour  had  asked. 
In  June,  1857,  he  arrived  at  Singapore,  where  his 
progress  was  sta\'ed  by  an  urgent  letter  from  Lord 
Canning,  the  Governor-General  of  India,  informing 
him  of  the  outbreak  of  the  Indian  Mutiny,  and 
begging  him  to  divert  his  troops  to  help  in  the 
suppression  of  a revolt  which  threatened  British 
sovereignty  in  the  great  peninsula.  With  rare  un- 
selfishness Lord  Elgin  at  once  acceded  to  the  request, 
and,  as  events  proved,  he,  by  so  doing,  rendered 
eminent  service  to  the  Indian  Government.  Mean- 


264 


THE  SECOND  CHINA  WAR 


while  the  withdrawal  of  Sir  Michael  Seymour’s 
troops  from  the  city  of  Canton  inspired  the  Chinese 
with  fresh  though  deluded  courage,  and  gave  Yeh  an 
opportunity  of  triumphantly  announcing  that  the 
English,  by  a sudden  and  piratical  attack,  had 
succeeded  in  breaking  into  the  city,  but  had  been 
driven  off  by  the  indomitable  courage  of  his  men. 

On  Lord  Elgin’s  arrival  in  Hongkong  in  July,  he 
found  that,  though  Canton  had  been  evacuated,  a 
series  of  minor  engagements  had  been  carried  on 
during  the  winter,  and  that  in  May  Sir  Michael 
Seymour  had  conducted  a number  of  attacks  on  the 
war  junks  which  had  collected  in  the  creeks  and 
rivers  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  city.  Happily  at 
this  time  Commodore  Keppel  (now  Sir  Harry)  was 
on  the  station,  and  after  numerous  junks  had  with  his 
help  been  destroyed  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Canton, 
it  was  determined  to  proceed  to  inflict  an  exemplary 
punishment  on  the  war-ships  collected  at  the  town  of 
Fatshan.  Sir  Michael  Seymour  himself  headed  the 
advance,  while  Captain  Keppel  had  the  command  of 
the  smaller  boats,  which  were  intended  to  deal  more 
directly  with  the  junks.  Meanwhile  a force  of 
marines  landed,  and  carried  a battery  above  the 
town,  the  Chinese  retiring  sulkily,  but  without  making 
any  serious  resistance.  The  fighting  on  the  river  was, 
however,  of  a more  stirring  kind.  The  fire  from  the 
junks  was  constant  and  fairly  well  directed,  in  spite 
of  which  the  English  boats,  though  hit  time  after 
time,  went  on.  Keppel,  at  the  head  of  a force  of 
about  five  hundred  men,  took  in  the  position  at  a 
glance,  and,  imitating  the  tactics  of  Nelson  at 


KEPPEI^S  ATTACK  ON  EATS  HAN  265 

Trafalgar,  charged  into  the  middle  of  the  fleet,  and 
broke  the  centre.  He  himself,  followed  by  the  men 
of  his  boat,  boarded  the  largest  junk,  out  of  which 
the  Chinese  sailors  fled  with  alacrity  as  the  English- 
men appeared  upon  deck.  In  this  instance  flight 
was,  however,  not  altogether  to  be  attributed  to 
cowardice.  They  had,  as  it  proved,  lighted  a 
slow  match  connected  with  the  powder  magazine, 
and  Keppel’s  men  had  only  just  retired  from  the 
deserted  ship  when  she  blew  up.  So  far  a complete 
victory  had  been  gained.  A number  of  junks  had 
been  given  to  the  flames,  others  had  been  taken  as 
spoil,  while  a few  only  had  escaped  up  the  intricate 
waters  which  surround  Fatshan.  Though  his  loss  of 
men  had  been  considerable,  and  though  a decisive 
victory  had  been  achieved,  Keppel,  thirsting  for  fresh 
laurels,  was  minded  to  attack  and  take  the  town  of 
Fatshan.  Opposite  that  city  a fleet  of  junks,  whose 
fire  was  unusually  well-directed,  was  formed  in  a 
serried  line.  Keppel’s  boat  was  sunk  under  him,  and 
though  he  again  succeeded  in  destroying  the  fleet,  his 
hand  was  stayed,  for  the  Admiral,  deeming  further 
operations  to  be  dangerous,  gave  the  signal  to  retire. 
These  disasters  to  the  Chinese  arms  made  no  im- 
pression upon  the  obdurate  Yeh,  who  amused  his 
Imperial  master  with  a grotesque  travesty  of  the 
engagements  fought,  and  described  with  some 
approach  to  humour  how  “ Elgin  passes  day  after 
day  at  Hongkong,  stamping  his  foot  and  sighing.” 

But  it  is  ill  jesting  when  the  enemy  is  at  your 
gates,  and  Yeh  was  soon  to  discover  that  Lord  Elgin 
was  not  a foe  at  whom  it  was  safe  to  laugh.  The 


266 


THE  SECOND  CHINA  WAR 


English  Ambassador,  on  arrival,  had  notified  his 
presence  to  Yeh,  and  had  set  forth  his  demands, 
which  were,  roughly  speaking,  the  complete  fulfil- 
ment of  all  the  treaty  conditions  so  far  as  Canton  was 
concerned,  and  the  payment  of  an  indemnity  for  the 
British  losses  sustained,  owing  to  the  action  of  the 
Canton  authorities.  This  letter  Yeh  affected  to  treat 
with  indifference,  and  had  the  coolness  to  susfCfest 
that  the  trade  of  the  port  should  be  revived  on  the 
old  conditions,  and  that  each  party  in  the  dispute 
should  bear  their  own  losses.  There  being  no  sign 
of  a just  appreciation  of  the  position  in  the  answer  of 
this  inveterate  obstructionist.  Lord  Elgin  presented 
an  ultimatum  on  Christmas  Day,  1857,  giving  him 
forty-eight  hours  for  the  evacuation  of  the  city  by  his 
troops.  To  this  communication  Yeh  vouchsafed  no 
answer,  and  the  forty-eight  hours  having  elapsed.  Sir 
Michael  Seymour  seized  Honan,  and  prepared  for  an 
assault  on  the  city.  With  a merciful  consideration 
for  the  non-combatant  citizens,  Parkes  issued,  and 
personally  distributed,  proclamations  warning  the 
people  that  their  city  was  about  to  be  attacked,  and 
explaining  the  circumstances  which  had  led  to  this 
extreme  measure.  Captain  Hall,  R.N.,  assisted 
Parkes  in  this  work  of  mercy,  and  happened  “in  one 
of  his  rapid  descents  to  catch  a mandarin  in  his 
chair  not  far  from  the  outer  gate.  The  captain 
pasted  the  mandarin  up  in  his  chair  with  the 
barbarian  papers,  pasted  the  chair  all  over  with  them 
and  started  the  bearers  to  carry  this  new  advertising 
van  into  the  city.  The  Chinese  crowd,  always  alive 
to  a practical  joke,  roared.” 


CAPTURE  OF  YEH 


267 


On  the  morning  of  December  28th  the  ships  opened 
fire,  and  the  next  day  an  assault  was  made  at  three 
different  points  of  the  walls.  The  result  was  the 
repetition  of  the  old  story.  The  Chinese  made  no 
serious  defence,  and  in  an  hour  and  a half  the  city 
walls  were  in  our  hands.  Probably  Yeh  hoped  that 
Sir  Michael  Seymour  would  retire,  as  he  had  retired 
before,  but  at  all  events  he  made  no  sign.  PYr  the 
first  few  days  it  was  not  deemed  advisable,  for  fear  of 
complications,  for  the  troops  to  venture  into  the 
narrow  and  crooked  lanes  of  the  city,  but  as  the 
Chinese  showed  no  symptoms  of  surrender,  detach- 
ments were  subsequently  moved  into  the  town.  No 
resistance  was  offered,  and  Pikwei,  the  Governor,  was 
taken  prisoner  in  his  yamen,  while  the  provincial 
treasury  was  seized.  A considerable  amount  of  silver 
was  there  found,  and  with  the  help  of  coolies,  who 
were  picked  up  in  the  street,  and  who  readily  volun- 
teered for  the  work,  it  was  safely  carried  off  to  the 
English  camp.  The  capture  of  Pikwei  was  satis- 
factory, but  the  great  object  of  the  search  was  for  the 
offending  Viceroy.  Parkes,  who  had  of  late  been  his 
great  opponent,  heading  a search  party  commanded 
by  Captain  Key,  sought  everywhere  for  him.  At 
length  his  hiding-place  was  discovered.  He  had 
taken  refuge  in  a small  yamen  in  the  south-west 
portion  of  the  city.  Thither  the  search-party  hurried, 
and  as  they  entered  they  found  the  rooms  crowded 
with  mandarins,  who  were  hastily  packing  up  their 
worldly  goods  preparatory  to  flight.  In  answer  to 
Parkes’  inquiries  for  Yeh,  a mandarin  stepped 
forward  and  declared  himself  to  be  the  object  of 


268 


THE  SECOND  CHINA  WAR 


their  search.  Parkes,  however,  who  had  seen  a 
portrait  of  the  Viceroy,  put  this  devoted  follower 
aside,  and  hastened  with  true  instinct  into  the  back 
part  of  the  yamen.  There  he  arrived  just  in  time  to 
see  a corpulent  mandarin  struggling  to  climb  over 
the  wall  at  the  rear  of  the  yamen.  He  at  once 
recognised  his  prey,  and  a sailor,  catching  the  would- 
be  fugitive  by  the  pigtail,  made  a captive  of  him. 

An  investigation  of  Yeh’s  boxes  revealed  many 
things,  and  amongst  others  the  ratified  treaty  with 
Great  Britain,  which  had  evidently  been  considered 
too  insignificant  to  be  deposited  in  the  archives  of 
Peking — a strange  commentary  on  the  value  attached 
to  treaties  by  the  Chinese  Government.  It  was 
plainly  impossible  that,  after  all  that  had  passed,  Yeh 
should  be  allowed  to  remain  at  large,  and  he  was 
therefore  placed  on  board  ship,  and  carried  off  to 
exile  in  Calcutta,  where  he  eventually  died.  A 
characteristic  incident  occurred  while  he  was  being 
taken  to  the  wharf  at  Canton.  On  his  way  through 
the  streets,  escorted  by  his  foreign  captors,  the  coolies 
laughed  and  jeered  at  the  fallen  condition  of  their 
former  oppressor.  It  is  probable  that  few  men  have 
made  themselves  more  detested  than  Yeh.  His 
cruelty  was  excessive,  and  he  is  said  to  have  executed 
a hundred  thousand  rebels  during  his  Viceroyalty  of 
four  years.  A day  or  two  before  the  assault  on  the 
city,  undeterred  by  the  difficulty  of  his  foreign  policy, 
he  sent  four  hundred  of  these  evildoers  to  the 
execution  ground,  and,  in  the  minds  of  the  people, 
his  memory  will  long  be  associated  with  all  that  is 
brutal  and  savage.  Yeh,  having  thus  been  disposed 


THE  GOVERNMENT  OF  CANTON  269 

of,  it  was  necessary  that  arrangements  should  be 
made  for  the  government  of  the  city.  Pikwei  was 
re-established  as  governor,  and  a commission  of  three, 
consisting  of  Parkes,  Colonel  Holloway,  of  the 
Marines,  and  a French  naval  officer,  was  appointed 
to  administer  affairs.  For  three  years,  under  the 
sway  of  these  officers,  a just  and  equitable  rule  was 
substituted  for  the  tyranny  which  had  up  to  that  time 
disgraced  the  administration  of  justice  in  the  city. 
The  change  was  fully  appreciated  by  the  natives, 
who,  for  the  first  time  in  their  existences,  had  their 
property  guarded  and  their  lives  protected. 

This  important  matter  having  been  arranged.  Lord 
Elgin  was  free  to  deal  with  the  larger  question  of 
our  relations  with  China,  and,  as  a preliminary  step 
forwarded  a letter  to  the  Chief  Secretary  of  State 
at  Peking,  stating  the  course  events  had  taken  in  the 
south,  and  declaring  the  concessions  which  he  de- 
manded before  peace  could  be  re-established.  To 
this  communication  he  received  from  his  correspon- 
dent the  following  reply,  which  was  addressed  not 
to  him  but  to  the  Viceroy  of  the  Two  Kiang  Provinces. 
“ I have  perused  the  letter  received,  and  have  ac- 
quainted myself  with  its  contents.  In  the  ninth 
month  of  the  year  (1856)  the  English  opened  their 
guns  on  the  provincial  city  (Canton),  bombarding 
and  burning  buildings  and  dwellings,  and  attacked 
and  stormed  its  forts.  . . These  are  facts  of  which  all 
foreigners  are  alike  aware.  The  seizure  of  a Minister 
and  the  occupation  of  a Provincial  City  belonging  to 
us,  as  on  this  occasion  has  been  the  case,  are  facts 
without  parallel  in  the  history  of  the  past.  His 


2JO 


THE  SECOND  CHINA  WAR 


Majesty  the  Emperor  is  magnanimous  and  con- 
siderate. He  has  been  pleased  by  a decree,  which  we 
have  had  the  honour  to  receive,  to  degrade  Yeh  from 
the  Viceroyalty  of  the  Two  Kwang  Provinces  for  his 
maladministration,  and  to  despatch  his  Excellency 
Hwang  to  Kwangtung  as  Imperial  Commissioner  in 
his  stead,  to  investigate  and  decide  with  impartiality; 
and  it  will  of  course  behove  the  English  Minister  to 
wait  in  Kwangtung,  and  there  make  his  arrangements. 
No  Imperial  Commissioner  ever  conducts  business  at 
Shanghai  (Lord  Elgin  had  proposed  a meeting  at 
this  place).  There  being  a particular  sphere  of  duty 
allotted  to  every  official  on  the  establishment  of  the 
Celestial  Empire,  and  the  principle  that  between  them 
and  the  foreigner  there  is  no  intercourse,  being  one 
ever  religiously  adhered  to  by  the  servants  of  our 
Government  of  China,  it  would  not  be  proper  for  me 
to  reply  in  person  to  the  English  Minister.  Let  Your 
Excellency  therefore  transmit  to  him  all  that  I have 
said  above,  and  thus  his  letter  will  not  be  left  un- 
answered,” &c. 

This  communication  left  little  hope  for  the  con- 
tinuance of  peaceful  negotiations,  and  Lord  Elgin 
determined  to  proceed  to  the  Peiho,  from  which 
coign  of  vantage  he,  however,  again  wrote  to  the 
Chief  Secretary,  advising  him  that  he  was  ready 
to  receive  any  properly  accredited  plenipotentiary 
for  the  discussion  of  matters  in  dispute.  With  their 
usual  discourtesy  the  Emperor’s  Government  dis- 
patched three  Commissioners  of  very  inferior  rank, 
and  quite  unendowed  with  the  necessary  powers  to 
treat.  Lord  Elgin  naturally  declined  to  communicate 


THE  CAPTURE  OF  THE  TAKU  FORTS  2Jl 


with  such  men,  and,  rightly  considering  their  appoint- 
ment an  additional  provocation,  he  requested  Sir 
Michael  Seymour  to  assault  and  take  the  Taku  forts. 
This  was  no  difficult  task,  and  the  way  being  now 
effectively  open.  Lord  Elgin  proceeded  up  the  river 
to  Tientsin. 

The  capture  of  the  Taku  forts,  which  had  been 
armed  according  to  the  most  approved  methods  of 
Chinese  military  science,  disconcerted  the  Peking 
Government  not  a little,  and  the  necessity  of 
appointing  commissioners  with  plenipotentiary  powers 
was  forced  on  the  stolid  intelligence  of  the  Emperor  s 
advisers.  In  an  edict  issued  on  June  ist  the 
summary  dismissal  of  the  former  envoys  was  an- 
nounced, and  the  appointment  of  Kweiliang  and 
Hwashana,  both  officials  of  high  standing  in  the 
capital,  to  confer  with  Lord  Ivlgin  at  Tientsin  was 
made  public.  The  approach  of  the  British  troops  to 
the  neighbourhood  of  the  capital  influenced  in  a 
marked  degree  the  attitude  of  the  Commissioners, 
who  at  once  assumed  a friendly  air,  and  discussed 
the  matters  in  dispute  in  a most  conciliatory  spirit. 
While  negotiations  were  in  progress  Kiying,  who  it 
will  be  remembered  took  a prominent  part  in  the 
arrangement  of  the  Nanking  Treaty,  suddenly 
appeared  upon  the  scene  with  secret  orders  to 
induce  Lord  Elgin,  by  all  the  means  in  his  power, 
to  sanction  the  withdrawal  of  the  British  troops  from 
the  river.  The  proposal  was  too  preposterously 
Chinese  to  be  listened  to  for  a moment,  and  Kiying 
returned  to  Peking  to  announce  his  failure,  and  to 
meet  his  death.  The  unfortunate  envoy  was  at  once 


2-2 


THE  SECOND  CHINA  WAR 


thrown  into  prison,  and  as  an  act  of  grace  was 
allowed  to  strangle  himself  in  his  cell,  instead  of 
being  decapitated  on  the  execution  ground.  After 
much  discussion  a treaty  was  signed  by  which  it  was 
agreed  that  the  Queen  might  appoint  a Resident 
Minister  at  Peking  ; that  in  addition  to  the  five 
ports  already  open  to  trade,  the  ports  of  Newell wang, 
Tengchow,  F'ormosa,  Swatow,  and  Kiungchow  in  the 
island  of  Hainan  should  be  opened  as  Treaty  Ports; 
and  that  the  traffic  in  opium  should  be  legalised. 
This  Treaty  was  signed  on  the  26th  of  June  and 
received  the  Emperor’s  ratification  on  the  4th  of  July. 
But  though  the  deed  was  thus  signed,  sealed,  and 
delivered,  the  Commissioners,  before  the  ink  was  dry 
that  testified  their  agreement  to  the  clause,  used 
their  best  endeavours  to  postpone  the  condition 
which  gave  the  Queen  the  right  to  appoint  the 
Resident  Minister  at  the  Court.  The  old  familiar 
arguments  were  once  more  furbished  up  to  do  duty 
on  this  occasion.  Lord  Elgin  was  assured  that  the 
people  of  Peking  were  turbulent- and  unruly,  and 
that  the  advent  of  a Minister  with  his  staff  within 
the  walls  of  Peking  would  give  rise  to  outrages  and 
riots,  which  the  Government  would  be  unable  to 
prevent,  and  which  would  embitter  the  relations 
between  the  two  countries.  Lord  Elgin  so  far 
yielded  to  the  entreaties  of  the  Commissioners  as 
to  agree  that  for  the  time  being  the  right  should 
be  waived,  and  that  it  would  be  used  only  tem- 
porarily in  the  following  year,  when  it  would  become 
necessary  to  exchange  the  ratifications. 

But  while  the  words  of  Kweiliang  and  Hwashana 


A REWARD  FOR  PARKES  S HEAD 


273 


were  smoother  than  butter,  war  was  in  their  hearts, 
and  at  the  very  moment  when  they  were  agreeing  to 
the  treaty  with  warm  professions  of  friendliness, 
they  were  making  every  arrangement  for  renewing 
the  campaign  against  the  hated  foreigners  so  soon  as 
the  occasion  should  offer.  This  compact  having  been 
ostensibly  completed,  and  there  being  nothing  further 
to  detain  Lord  Elgin  in  the  north,  he  returned  to 
Hongkong,  where  he  found  that  though  the  people 
of  Canton  were  showing  an  amicable  attitude  towards 
the  foreign  garrison,  the  mandarins  were  doing  their 
utmost  to  stir  up  strife,  and  were  again  offering 
rewards  for  Barbarian  heads.  In  this  savage  barter 
a sliding  scale  was  introduced,  which  varied  from  a 
small  sum  for  the  life  of  a soldier  to  as  much  as 
30,000  dollars  for  Parkes,  dead  or  alive.  From  a 
mistaken  desire  to  keep  the  peace,  the  garrison  had 
hitherto  been  confined  within  the  city  walls,  and 
liberty  was  thus  given  to  the  neighbouring  villagers 
to  concentrate  forces  and  establish  camps,  preparatory 
to  an  attack  on  the  British.  It  was  well  known  that 
a number  of  these  associations  were  within  the 
immediate  neighbourhood  of  the  city,  and  it  was 
eventually  thought  desirable  to  employ  expeditions  to 
dissipate  the  forces  of  these  would-be  disturbers  of  the 
peace.  A successful  expedition  of  this  kind  was  made 
against  the  “ninety-six”  villages  on  the  north  of  the 
city,  and  Shektsing,  a place  of  considerable  strength, 
was  carried  after  some  show  of  opposition  on  the  part 
of  the  local  troops.  The  effect  of  this  sortie  was  most 
wholesome,  and  an  armed  visit  to  the  formerly  riotous 
town  of  Fayuan,  not  only  did  not  meet  with  opposi- 

19 


274 


THE  SECOND  CHINA  WAR 


tion,  but  was  cordially  received.  Even  in  those  days 
the  importance  of  the  West  River,  which  has  lately 
been  opened  to  trade,  was  appreciated  by  Parkes  and 
others,  and  at  their  instigation  it  was  determined  to 
explore  in  force  the  waters  of  that  important  stream. 
Again  the  expedition  met  with  a ready  reception,  and 
successfully  explored  the  river  as  far  as  Wuchow  Fu, 
the  highest  town  on  its  banks  which  has  yet  been 
opened  as  a Treaty  Port.  The  effect  of  these  military 
parades  surpassed  expectation,  and  reacted  so  favour- 
ably on  the  streets  of  Canton  that  they  became  as 
safe  as  the  thoroughfares  of  London. 


X 

THE  WAR  OF  i860 

In  the  following  year  (1859)  it  became  necessary 
to  send  to  Peking  an  ambassador  to  exchange  the 
ratifications  of  the  treaty,  and  Lord  Elgin’s  brother, 
Mr.  Bruce,  who  was  chosen  for  the  office,  arrived  at 
Shanghai  in  due  course.  Me  had  been  warned  by 
Lord  Malmesbury,  the  Foreign  Secretary,  that  the 
Chinese  would  probably  use  every  endeavour  to 
dissuade  him  from  going  to  the  capital,  and  he 
was  instructed  to  insist  at  all  costs  on  this  clause 
of  the  treaty  being  fulfilled.  He  had  no  sooner 
landed  on  the  wharf  at  Shanghai  than  the  truth 
of  Lord  Malmesbury’s  words  became  apparent. 
Kweiliang  and  Hwashana  were  already  waiting  for 
him,  in  the  vain  hope  of  being  able  to  persuade  him 
to  forego  his  purpose.  At  the  same  time  reports 
reached  him  that  warlike  preparations  were  being 
made  at  Taku  to  prevent  his  passing  up  the  Peiho. 
His  duty,  however,  was  plain,  and  by  an  arrangement 
with  Admiral  Hope,  who  commanded  on  the  station, 
a considerable  fleet  accompanied  the  Ambassador  to 

the  mouth  of  the  Peiho.  On  reaching  the  anchorage, 

275 


2J6 


THE  WAR  OF  1 86o 


Mr.  Bruce  despatched  an  interpreter  with  a letter 
addressed  to  the  commandant  of  the  fort,  announcing 
his  arrival,  when  it  at  once  became  plain  that  the 
warlike  rumours  which  had  lately  filled  the  air  were 
well  founded.  The  interpreter  found  the  mouth  of 
the  river  studded  with  heavy  iron  stakes,  while  huge 
chains  were  stretched  across  its  waters  from  shore  to 
shore.  The  guns  of  the  forts  were  screened  by  mats, 
but  it  was  plain  that  they  were  there  in  full  comple- 
ment and  were  well  manned.  The  crowd  that  came 
down  to  the  wharf  to  meet  the  boat,  refused  to  allow 
the  interpreter  to  land,  but  a man  who  appeared  to 
be  in  authority,  promised  that  by  the  morrow  the 
stakes  should  be  removed  so  as  to  admit  the  ships 
into  the  river.  No  dependence  was  placed  on  this 
man’s  word,  more  especially  as  it  was  abundantly 
obvious  that  the  Chinese  meant  to  fight. 

On  the  following  day  Admiral  Hope,  with  a force 
of  eleven  vessels  including  gunboats,  steamed  towards 
the  river’s  mouth.  Some  of  the  stakes  had  already 
been  removed  by  H.M.S.  Opossum^  but  the  booms 
remained,  and  the  leading  gunboats  no  sooner  struck 
these  obstacles  than  the  guns  from  the  forts  poured 
a storm  of  shot  and  shell  upon  them.  So  terrible 
was  the  fire  that  two  gunboats  were  quickly  sunk, 
and  all  were  more  or  less  seriously  damaged.  The 
Admiral  was  wounded,  and  many  of  the  officers 
and  men  were  killed.  It  being  plainly  impossible 
to  force  the  passage  by  water,  a detachment  con- 
sisting of  marines  and  engineers  was  landed  in  the 
hope  tha^they  might  be  able  to  capture  the  forts  by 
storm.  With  desperate  gallantry  they  struggled  to 


THE  DEFEAT  AT  TAKV 


277 


make  their  way  through  the  deep  mud  which  lay  on 
the  waterside  of  the  forts.  At  every  step  they  sunk 
above  their  knees  while  the  troops  from  the  walls  poured 
a destructive  fire  upon  them.  The  scaling  ladders 
were  broken  by  the  fire,  the  men’s  rifles  were  in  many 
cases  choked  with  mud,  and  wide  ditches  half  full  of 
water  added  a further  difficulty  in  the  way  of  their 
enterprise.  Darkness  fell  while  they  were  in  this 
predicament,  and  reluctantly  they  were  obliged  to 
retire  to  their  boats.  In  this  engagement  three 
gunboats  were  lost,  and  three  hundred  men  were 
killed  and  wounded.  It  being  plain  that  to  renew 
the  attack  with  a thus  diminished  force  would  be 
inexcusable  rashness,  the  fleet  returned  to  Shanghai 
to  await  re-enforcements.  The  news  of  the  defeat  of 
the  English  was  received  with  exultation  at  Peking, 
and  exercised  an  unfortunate  influence  on  the  natives 
at  the  Treaty  Ports.  In  England  it  produced  fierce 
indignation,  and  by  all  parties  it  was  recognised  that 
it  would  be  necessary  to  enforce  on  the  Chinese  the 
lesson  that  treachery,  in  dealing  with  a friendly 
power,  is  an  act  of  barbarism,  and  must  inevitably 
meet  with  punishment.  As  the  Minister  of  France 
who  had  also  a treaty  in  his  pocket  requiring  ratifi- 
cation had  equally  with  Mr.  Bruce  been  refused 
admission  to  the  Peiho  river,  the  two  Governments 
agreed  to  make  a joint  invasion  of  the  “ Middle 
Kingdom.”  Shortly  after  this  arrangement  had  been 
come  to,  that  is  to  say  in  March,  i860,  Mr.  Bruce 
presented  an  ultimatum  to  the  Chinese  Government, 
calling  upon  them  within  thirty  days  to  make  repara- 
tion for  the  treacherous  attack  at  the  Taku  forts, 


2/S 


THE  IIHE  OF  i860 


and  further  to  fulfil  both  the  letter  and  the  spirit  of  the 
treaty.  The  reply  to  his  communication  was  made 
in  the  same  circuitous  way  in  which  the  answer  had 
lately  b^en  made  to  a somewhat  similar  letter  from 
Lord  Elgin.  A Grand  Secretary  of  State  replied  to 
the  Viceroy  of  the  two  Kiang  provinces,  and  directed 
that  official  to  forward  a copy  of  the  despatch  to  Mr. 
Bruce.  The  language  of  the  reply  was  marked  by 
more  than  usual  Chinese  hauteur,  and  ignored  alto- 
gether the  obligations  which  Mr.  Bruce  attempted 
to  fasten  on  the  Government. 

Meanwhile,  Sir  Hope  Grant,  who  had  been 
appointed  to  command  the  British  force,  arriv^ed 
at  Hongkong,  at  the  head  of  an  army  of  thirteen 
thousand  naen.  The  French  contingent,  consisting  of 
seven  thousand  rank  and  file,  and  commanded  by 
General  Montauban,  arrived  about  the  same  time. 
So  soon  as  the  arrangements  of  the  campaign  had 
been  completed  the  allied  forces  sailed  northwards 
and  rendezvoused  at  Talienwan,  the  port  which  has 
lately  been  so  much  in  discussion.  Here  the  two 
commanders  discussed  the  plan  of  campaign.  Sir 
Hope  Grant  wishing  to  begin  by  attacking  Pehtang 
a fortified  town  about  eight  miles  north  of  the  Peiho 
and  to  take  the  Taku  forts  by  a circuitous  route  in 
rear,  while  Montauban  considered  that  to  land  in 
the  mud  to  the  south  of  Taku  would  be  the  shortest 
way  to  victory.  The  British  plan  of  attack  was  so 
plainly  preferable  that  it  was  finally  adopted,  much 
to  the  consternation  and  surprise  of  the  Chinese 
commanders,  whose  limited  intelligences  would  have 
laid  it  down  that  the  Peiho  being  the  recognised 


sankolinsin’s  tactics 


279 


road  to  Peking,  the  Allies  were  in  duty  bound  to 
begin  the  game  by  an  attack  on  the  Taku  forts. 
Fully  possessed  with  this  opinion  they  had  made  little 
effort  to  fortify  Pehtang,  and  the  chief  enemy  that 
the  troops  found  on  landing  was  the  deep  mud, 
through  which  they  were  obliged  to  flounder  in 
order  to  reach  the  raised  causeway,  which  connected 
Pehtang  with  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Peiho  river. 
Sankolinsin,  a cousin  of  the  Emperor,  was  at  the 
time  in  command  at  Taku  and  in  the  neighbourhood, 
and  though  fairly  taken  by  surprise  by  the  descent  of 
the  Allies  on  the  coast,  had  the  assurance  to  report  to 
his  Imperial  kinsman  that  he  had  purposely  allowed 
the  Barbarians  to  land.  He  explained  his  design  by 
saying  that  foreigners  were  acquatic  creatures,  and 
though  formidable  on  board  ship,  were  helpless  on 
shore.  His  plan  was,  therefore,  to  entice  them  from 
their  ships,  and  to  overwhelm  them  when  thus 
robbed  of  the  support  in  which  their  great  strength 
lay. 

The  struggle  at  Taku  was  recognised  as  of  vital 
importance,  and  Hang  Fu,  the  Viceroy  of  the 
province,  took  up  his  quarters  at  the  village  of 
Taku  that  he  might  the  more  readily  superintend 
the  warlike  operations.  The  disposition  of  Sanko- 
linsin’s  troops  was  at  first  such  as  to  appear  that  he 
really  had  faith  in  the  plan  which  he  had  unfolded 
to  his  Imperial  master.  As  the  Allies  advanced  from 
Pehtang,  small  detachments  of  Manchu  cavalry 
appeared  on  the  scene  on  all  sides,  and  as  hastily 
retired,  as  though  to  induce  a further  advance.  If 
such  was  their  design  they  were  not  disappointed,  for 


28o 


THE  WAR  OF  l86o 


with  set  purpose  the  Allies  marched  on  steadily  to  the 
object  of  their  attack,  the  Taku  forts.  So  soon  as 
the  news  of  the  landing  at  Pehtang  reached  Sanko- 
linsin,  he  ordered  the  construction  of  a number  of 
entrenchments  to  protect  the  rear  of  the  forts,  which 
like  most  Chinese  fortifications  were  strong  on  the 
side  from  which  attack  was  expected  but  weak  else- 
where. These  entrenchments  with  the  neighbouring 
village  of  Sinho  were  flanked  and  protected  by  a 
huge  body  of  cavalry,  who  owed  their  full  equip- 
ment to  one  of  those  dishonest  subterfuges  which 
excite  no  astonishment  in  the  Chinese  army. 
Twenty  thousand  of  these  horsemen  had  been 
collected,  on  paper,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Peking, 
and  for  this  number  without  deduction  the  general 
in  command  regularly  drew  full  pay  and  rations.  On 
the  few  occasions  during  the  year  when  it  was 
necessary  to  testify  to  the  existence  of  the  force,  it 
was  his  habit  to  enlist  men  and  hire  horses  for  the 
time  being.  Being  suddenly  ordered  on  service  he 
resorted  to  this  time-honoured  expedient,  and  when 
he  had  thus  extemporised  a full  muster  he  marched 
his  unsuspecting  victims  off,  on  pain  of  death,  to  face 
the  Allies.  Curiously  enough  these  men  fought  well, 
and  on  one  or  two  occasions  charged  up  to  the  very 
guns.  They  further  helped  to  defend  the  entrench- 
ments with  courage,  but,  in  the  congenial  company  of 
the  infantry  battalions,  on  the  first  reverse  they  melted 
away  and  left  Sinho  unprotected.  The  rapid  advance 
of  the  Allies  was  not  according  to  the  methods  of 
Chinese  warfare,  and  when  the  Barbarians  presented 
themselves  before  the  further  village  of  Tangku,  the 


PRELIMINARY  SKIRMISHES 


281 


Chinese  troops  were  enjoying  their  breakfast.  So 
quickly  was  the  affair  over  and  with  such  speed  did 
the  Chinese  soldiers  run,  that  the  dishes  on  the  tables 
were  still  warm  when  our  hungry  troops  took  the 
chairs  vacated  by  the  flying  enemy. 

There  had  been  some  differences  of  opinion 
between  Sir  Hope  Grant  and  General  Montauban 
as  to  the  plan  of  attack  on  the  forts,  Sir  Hope 
Grant  being  of  the  opinion  that  one  of  the  forts  on 
the  north  side  of  the  river  was  the  key  of  the  position, 
while  Montauban  would  have  liked  to  have  crossed 
the  river  and  stormed  the  southern  fort.  Montauban 
was  a gallant  soldier  but  a bad  strategist,  as  was 
constantly  proved  during  the  campaign,  and  in  the 
present  case  the  result  fully  justified  Sir  Hope  Grant’s 
view  of  the  position. 

From  the  Chinese  standpoint  the  position  was 
rapidly  becoming  critical,  and  Hang  Fu  resorted  to 
the  usual  Chinese  practice  of  attempting  to  gain 
time  by  drawing  the  British  Minister  into  a corres- 
pondence. With  childlike  simplicity  he  wrote  to  ask 
the  reason  “ of  our  hostile  appearance  at  Pehtang, 
while  the  two  nations  were  still  at  peace,  and  on  terms 
of  friendly  relationship  ; if  any  questions  did  require 
settlement,  he  begged  that  Lord  Elgin  would  appoint 
some  time  and  place  for  a meeting,  so  that  they  might 
be  amicably  discussed  and  arranged.”  The  only 
answer  Lord  Elgin  vouchsafed  to  this  communi- 
cation, and  to  many  others  which  followed  on  it,  was 
that  “ the  only  terms  on  which  he  would  consent  to 
stay  naval  and  military  proceedings,  were  the  un- 
qualified acceptance  of  the  ultimatum  sent  to  the 


282 


THE  U'AE  OF  1 86o 


Court  of  Peking  by  ]\Ir.  Bruce,  and  the  surrender  of 
the  Peiho  forts  into  our  hands.”  As  Hang  Fu  care- 
fully ignored  these  conditions  in  all  his  letters,  the 
Allies  continued  their  advance  against  the  Taku  forts. 
These  “ were  surrounded  by  a thick  mud  wall,  pierced, 
about  ten  feet  from  the  top,  for  artillery;  gingals  were 
mounted  on  the  upper  parapet,  which  w;j.s  also  loop- 
holed  ; surrounding  the  walls  on  the  inside  were 
covered  buildings  resembling  in  some  degree  case- 
mates, but  they  were  not  shell  proof ; a high  cavalier 
rose  in  the  centre  of  the  fort,  mounting  three  or 
four  very  hea\y  guns,  the  embrasures  facing  seaward, 
but  the  guns  could  be  slewed  round  in  any  direction  ; 
around  the  outer  wall  were  two,  in  some  cases  three, 
mud  ditches,  from  twenty  to  thirt\"  feet  broad,  full  of 
water,  the  ground  between  the  ditches  being  protected 
by  sharp-pointed  bamboo  stakes  driven  deep  into  the 
earth,  and  placed  so  close  to  each  other  as  not  to 
admit  of  a person  standing  between  them.  The 
south  side  of  the  northern  forts  rested  on  the  Peiho, 
which  flowed  at  the  base  of  the  wall.”  The  pieces 
of  ordnance  which  manned  the  embrasures  were 
mostly  of  native  construction,  though  some  few 
proved  to  be  English  guns  which  had  been  recovered 
from  the  sunken  gunboats  of  the  year  before. 

The  attack  began  by  an  artillery  fire  against  the 
walls  of  the  fort.  This  had  not  lasted  long  when  an 
alarming  explosion  occurred  within  the  mud  defences. 
To  onlookers  this  accident  appeared  to  involve  the 
destruction  of  the  fort.  This  was  not  the  case,  how- 
ever, and  when  the  dust  and  smoke  cleared  away, 
the  Chinese  soldiers  turned  again  to  their  guns  in  the 


AFTER  CAPTURE  OF  TAKU  FORTS 


284 


THE  WAR  OF  1860 


vain  hope  of  checking  the  advancing  foes.  When  it 
was  considered  that  the  fire  had  made  storming 
possible,  orders  were  given  for  the  assault.  In  pre- 
paration for  the  campaign,  a native  coolie  corps, 
several  thousand  strong,  had  been  enlisted  at 
Canton,  and  had  been  carefully  drilled  in  the  duties 
which  were  expected  of  them.  Though  the  men 
perfectly  understood  that  they  would  be  called  upon 
to  assist  in  a hostile  invasion  of  their  native  land,  they 
showed  every  alacrity  in  the  service,  and  it  was 
evident  that  patriotism  with  them  weighed  nothing 
in  the  scale  against  the  regular  pay  and  ample  rations 
which  they  received  from  their  country’s  enemies. 
During  the  artillery  duel  before  the  fort  these  men 
had  stood,  with  the  scaling  ladders,  ready  to  advance 
to  the  walls,  and  at  the  word  of  command  ran  readily 
forward  and  planting  their  ladders  against  the  fort 
helped  the  storming  party  up.  The  result  was  “ as 
per  before,”  and  though  the  Chinese  garrison  fought 
with  some  bravery  they  were  speedily  vanquished. 
So  soon  as  the  garrison  of  the  outer  northern  fort 
(there  were  two  large  forts  on  the  north  bank  of  the 
river  and  three  on  the  south)  saw  that  the  Allies  had 
secured  this  first  position,  they  hoisted  white  flags,  and 
allowed  the  Allied  troops  to  march  in  without  firing 
a shot.  A curious  sight  met  the  eyes  of  the  victors 
as  they  entered.  Two  thousand  men  were  seated  on 
the  ground  who  neither  moved  nor  spoke.  “ They  had 
thrown  away  their  arms  and  had  divested  themselves 
of  all  uniform  or  distinctive  badges  that  could  dis- 
tinguish them  as  being  soldiers.” 

These  men  were  made  prisoners,  but  doubt  was 


THE  VICEROY^S  TREACHERY  285 

still  felt  as  to  the  attitude  of  the  garrisons  on  the 
southern  side  of  the  river.  It  is  true  that  white  flags 
had  been  hoisted  on  the  forts  on  that  side^  but  so 
much  uncertainty  existed  as  to  the  meaning  of  these 
symbols  in  Chinese  hands  that  it  was  thought 
advisable  to  communicate  with  the  Viceroy  and  to 
receive  the  submission  of  the  fortress  from  him  before 
crossing  the  river  in  force.  Parkes,  Loch,  and  Major 
Anson  were  therefore  sent  across  to  Taku  to  find  the 
redoubtable  Hang  Fu.  This  astute  official  received 
them  hospitably,  showing  at  the  same  time  a 
suspicious  inclination  to  detain  them  as  long  as 
possible.  It  subsequently  transpired  that  his  inten- 
tions were  really  the  very  opposite  to  his  professions, 
and  that  while  plying  them  with  tea  and  sweetmeats 
his  emissaries  were  engaged  in  searching  for  Sanko- 
linsin,  with  a view  to  making  his  visitors  prisoners. 
Fortunately  for  them  Sankolinsin,  after  the  fall  of 
the  northern  forts,  had  mounted  his  horse  and  ridden 
to  Peking.  In  a memorial  which  at  this  time  he 
addressed  to  the  throne,  he  admitted  that  the  Bar- 
barians had  captured  the  forts,  but  besought  the 
Emperor  not  to  be  the  least  alarmed,  as  his  troops 
were  still  well  able  to  protect  the  capital  from  the 
presence  of  the  presumptuous  foe.  When  Hang  Fu’s 
emissaries  returned  to  their  master  and  reported  the 
flight  of  the  defeated  general,  he  allowed  his  foreign 
guests  to  depart,  who  on  their  way  back  discovered 
that  a small  force  had  already,  during  their  absence, 
taken  possession  of  the  southern  forts. 

The  road  to  Tientsin  was  how  open,  and  the 
Admiral  lost  no  time  in  clearing  away  the  obstruc- 


286 


THE  jrAE  OF  i860 


tions  at  the  mouth  of  the  river.  These  were  of  an 
extremely  formidable  character.  Huge  pointed  iron 
stakes,  each  several  tons  in  weight,  were  securely 
fastened  in  the  mud,  while  two  huge  booms,  kept 
afloat  b\’  immense  earthen  water-jars,  made  the 
entrance  to  the  river  impossible.  With,  much  diffi- 
cult)’ these  were  removed,  and  the  smaller  vessels  of 


A PEASANT  WOMAN  AND  CHILDREN. 


the  fleet  peaceabh’  steamed  by  the  embrasures  which 
had  wrought  such  havoc  in  the  preceding  }’ear. 
Meanwhile  Hang  Fu  had  started  for  Tientsin,  where 
he  met  Hanki,  the  late  Hoppo  of  Canton,  and 
WMngts’uan,  who  had  been  hastily  despatched  from 
Peking  to  stay,  if  possible,  the  advance  of  the 
foreigners.  One  great  annoyance  experienced  by  the 


THE  NAT/ FES  FRIENDLY 


287 


mandarins  at  this  time  was  the  attitude  which  the 
natives  assumed  towards  the  invaders.  In  1858, 
when  Lord  Elgin  first  went  up  to  Tientsin,  the  people 
in  the  villages  through  which  he  had  passed  had 
fallen  on  their  knees  before  him,  and  had  presented 
propitiatory  offerings  to  mitigate  his  supposed  wrath. 
Their  experience  had  taught  them,  however,  that  so 
long  as  they  maintained  a peaceful  demeanour  they 
had  nothing  to  fear  from  Englishmen,  and  on  this 
occasion  when  he  and  his  colleague,  Baron  Gros, 
advanced  through  the  same  hamlets  the  people  had, 
without  cringing  or  undue  adulation,  offered  the 
produce  of  their  fields  and  gardens  readily  for  sale. 
A similar  attitude  adopted  by  the  men  of  the  Coolie 
corps  was  referred  to  in  a memorial  by  Sankolinsin, 
which  was  discovered  in  the  Archives  of  the  Summer 
Palace,  in  which  he  stated  that  the  Allied  forces  were 
for  the  most  part  composed  of  Cantonese,  who  had 
joined  the  invaders  for  the  sake  of  profit  ; and  he 
recommended  that  an  offer  of  additional  pay  and 
perquisites  should  be  made  to  bribe  them  to  come 
over  in  a body  to  the  Imperial  side.  Parkes,  who 
was  sent  in  advance  to  Tientsin,  found  the  people 
there  of  the  same  mind  with  the  villagers.  They 
eagerly  responded  to  his  inquiries  after  provisions, 
and  voluntarily  formed  a Committee  of  Supply  to 
provide  commissariat  stores  for  the  army. 

At  Tientsin  Hang  I"u  was  on  the  watch  for  Lord 
Elgin,  and  no  sooner  had  the  steamer  carrying  the 
Ambassador  anchored  off  the  Bund  than  the  Viceroy 
appeared,  and  invited  him  to  become  his  guest 
during  his  stay  in  the  city.  This  was  a piece  of  cool 


288 


THE  U'AE  OF  l86o 


impertinence  of  which  only  a Chinaman  could  have 
been  guilty,  and  Lord  Elgin  curtly  informed  him  that 
the  Allied  troops  being  now  in  occupation  of  Tientsin, 
he  should  take  up  his  residence  in  the  building  which 
suited  him  best.  The  advance  of  the  Barbarian 
forces  had  produced  some  consternation  at  Peking, 
and  the  Emperor  despatched  the  Grand  Secretary 
Kweiliang,  who  had  been  one  of  the  signatories  of  the 
treaty  of  1858,  to  join  Hang  Fu  in  arranging  a peace 
with  the  foreigners.  Without  any  loss  of  time  the 
Commissioners  sought  to  open  negotiations  with  Lord 
Elgin,  who  met  their  overtures  by  replying  that  the 
conditions  on  which  he  was  prepared  to  suspend 
hostilities  were  as  follows : “ First,  an  apology  for 
the  attack  on  the  Allied  forces  at  Peiho.  Second, 
the  ratification  and  execution  of  the  Treaty  of 
Tientsin.  Third,  the  payment  of  an  indemnity  to 
the  Allies  for  the  expenses  of  the  naval  and  military 
preparations.” 

With  apparent  readiness  the  Commissioners  agreed 
to  these  terms,  but  raised,  as  has  always  been  their 
wont,  a number  of  objections  on  matters  of  detail. 
It  is  a recognised  practice  among  the  Chinese  in 
similar  cases  to  send  in  the  first  instance  Com- 
missioners who  are  ostensibly  deputed  to  make 
peace,  but  who  are  denied  the  necessary  plenipoten- 
tiary powers.  The  object  of  this  manoeuvre  is  plain. 
Should  the  Commissioners  agree  to  any  terms 
distasteful  to  the  Emperor,  it  is  open  to  him  to 
ignore  the  agreement,  on  the  plea  that  his  envoys 
had  no  power  to  pledge  him  to  any  terms.  During 
the  late  war  with  Japan  two  of  these  futile  missions 


NEGOTIATIONS  FOR  PEACE 


289 


were  sent  to  negotiate  peace  before  full  powders  were 
granted  to  Li  Hungchang,  and  in  the  same  way, 
when  it  became  necessary  to  examine  the  credentials 
of  Kweiliang  and  his  colleague,  it  was  found  that 
they  had  no  power  whatever  to  conclude  a convention. 
Lord  Elgin,  therefore,  declined  further  negotiations 
with  them,  and  continued  his  march  northwards,  at 
the  same  time  giving  them  notice  that  he  would 
listen  to  no  further  overtures  of  any  kind,  until  he 
had  arrived  at  Tungchow  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Peking. 

On  the  9th  of  September  Lord  Elgin  and  Sir  Hope 
Grant  left  Tientsin,  and  a day  or  two  later  reached 
Hosiwu,  which  stands  about  half  way  between 
Tientsin  and  the  capital.  Here  they  were  met  by  a 
letter  from  Tsai,  Prince  of  I,  who  with  two  colleagues 
announced  his  arrival  to  treat.  At  the  same  time 
he  took  occasion  to  add  his  supreme  princely  astonish- 
ment at  the  advance  of  the  Allies  beyond  Tientsin, 
and  strongly  urged  the  British  Minister  to  give  the 
necessary  orders  for  the  troops  to  retreat.  This 
proposal  was  typical  of  the  native  folly  of  the  Chinese, 
and  met  with  the  answer  which  it  deserved.  The 
Prince  was  told  that  no  negotiations  would  be  entered 
upon  before  the  arrival  ©f  the  Allies  at  Tungchow. 
As  time  was  precious,  however,  and  as  the  autumn 
was  already  coming  on  apace.  Lord  Elgin  determined 
to  send  Messrs.  Wade  and  Parkes  in  advance  to 
Tungchow,  there  to  negotiate  a preliminary  conven- 
tion with  the  Commissioners.  The  Commissioners 
received  these  envoys  with  cordiality,  and  the  Prince 
of  I,  who  was  possessed  of  a fine  presence  and  courtly 

20 


290 


THE  ll.~/E  OF  i860 


bearing,  treated  them  with  especial  civility.  After  a 
discussion  of  eight  hours’  duration,  terms  were  agreed 
upon,  and  “ it  was  arranged  that  the  allied  armies 
were  to  advance  within  ten  or  twelve  miles  of 
Tungchow,  where  they  were  to  remain,  while  the 
ambassadors  proceeded  to  Peking  accompanied  by  a 
large  escort.  It  was  agreed  also  that  ]\Ir.  Parkes  was 
to  return  on  Monday  to  Tungchow  to  make  a few 
final  arrangements.” 

On  the  day  appointed  Parkes,  accompanied  by 
Messrs.  Loch,  de  Norman,  an  attache,  Bowlby,  the 
Times  correspondent,  the  Quartermaster-General  of 
Cavalry,  Colonel  Walker,  and  i\Ir.  Thompson  of  the 
Commissariat,  with  an  escort  of  six  troopers  of  the 
King’s  Dragoon  Guards,  and  twenty  Sowars  of  Fane’s 
Horse,  under  the  command  of  Lieutenant  Anderson, 
started  for  Tungchow.  On  the  road  they  met  with 
some  cavalry  pickets  which  retired  as  they  advanced, 
and  their  way  was  once  stopped  by  a mandarin  at 
the  head  of  a small  force  of  cavalr\',  who  however  let 
let  them  pass  so  soon  as  he  became  aware  of  their 
mission.  Unexpectedly,,  however,  the  Commissioners, 
who  before  had  been  so  genial,  raised  countless  and 
vexatious  objections  to  many  of  the  points  which 
had  been  agreed  upon,  and  more  especially  to  the 
reception  of  the  Ambassador  at  Peking,  and  the 
delivery  of  the  Letter  of  Credence  to  the  Emperor. 
“ The  tone  adopted  by  the  Prince  of  I and  other 
Commissioners  was  almost  offensive,  and  they  scarcely 
cared  to  conceal  the  repugnance  with  which  they 
viewed  us,  and  their  disinclination  to  come  to  terms.” 

After  a lengthy  discussion,  however,  an  arrange- 


SIR  THOMAS  FRANCIS  WADE,  K;C.B. 


292 


THE  WAR  OF  1 860 


ment  was  arrived  at,  and  at  twelve  o’clock  at  night 
Parkes  returned  to  his  rooms,  with  a draft  agreement 
in  his  pocket.  Meanwhile  Sankolinsin  had  been 
busily  employed.  He  was  deeply  concerned  to 
avenge  his  defeats  at  Taku,  and  he  thought  that 
chance  had  now  thrown  the  opportunity  into  his 
hands.  In  conjunction  with  the  Commissioners  he 
arranged  that  the  camping-ground,  which  it  was 
proposed  to  allot  to  the  Allied  troops,  should  be  so 
situated  as  to  enable  him  to  surround  it  with  his 
warriors.  The  force  under  his  command  consisted  of 
eighty  thousand  men,  and  he  felt  confident  that  in  a 
surprise  attack  he  would  be  able  to  overwhelm,  once 
and  for  all,  the  four  or  five  thousand  Barbarians  who 
were  presumptuous  enough  to  oppose  themselves  to 
him.  Being  well  aware  that  Parkes  would  be  early 
on  the  field,  he  moved  his  troops  with  secrecy  and 
despatch  to  their  allotted  posts.  But  not  so  secretly 
as  to  conceal  their  movements  entirely  from  the 
observation  of  Parkes  and  Loch,  who  had  ridden  out 
between  five  and  six  o’clock  in  the  morning  to 
examine  the  camping  ground.  On  the  three  sides  of 
the  allotted  space  men  were  posted  behind  every 
hillock,  in  every  grove  of  trees,  and  in  the  deeper 
water  courses.  Such  unusual  and  secret  preparations 
at  once  induced  Parkes  to  recognise  that  treachery 
was  intended,  and  he  asked  Loch  to  ride  forward  to 
apprise  Sir  Hope  Grant  of  the  ambush  which  was 
being  laid  for  him,  while  he  returned  to  Tungchow  to 
demand  from  the  Commissioners  an  explanation  of 
the  threatening  aspect  of  affairs,  and  to  warn  those 
who  had  been  left  behind  of  their  danger. 


PARKES  AND  LOCH 


293 


The  Prince  of  I,  whom  Parkes  after  some  difficulty 
discovered,  had  now  quite  thrown  off  his  disguise  of 
the  evening  before,  and  curtly  informed  his  unwelcome 
visitor  that  until  the  question  of  delivering  the  Letter 
of  Credence  was  settled  “ there  could  be  no  peace, 
there  must  be  war.”  Loch,  with  that  rare  loyalty 
which  we  are  accustomed  to  regard  as  belonging  to 
the  Anglo-Saxon  race,  asked  and  obtained  permission 
to  return  to  Tungchow  “to  rejoin  Parkes  and  the 
others,  to  urge  on  them  the  utmost  expedition,  and, 
if  possible,  to  endeavour  to  find  some  other  road  by 
which  we  could  extricate  ourselves.”. 

Captain  Brabazon  of  the  artillery  and  two  Sikhs 
accompanied  him,  and  after  experiencing  some  diffi- 
culty in  getting  through  the  Chinese  lines  the  party 
reached  Tungchow.  Plaving  collected  all  their 
fellows,  they  returned  together  in  the  direction  of  the 
British  camp.  By  this  time  Sankolinsin  had  given 
up  all  pretensions  to  concealment,  and  the  escape  of 
the  Englishmen  was  constantly  impeded  by  the 
masses  of  troops  which  were  marching  southward. 
The  camping  ground  itself  was  fully  occupied,  and 
Parkes  and  his  friends  at  last  found  their  way  barred 
by  a strong  detachment  of  Chinese  troops.  The 
Chinese  officer  in  command  refused  to  yield  them 
passage,  and  informed  Parkes  that  his  only  chance  of 
safety  lay  in  hi-s  being  able  to  get  a pass  through  the 
lines  from  Sankolinsin.  As  this  appeared  to  be  the 
only  hope  of  safety  Parkes  and  Loch,  taking  a Sikh 
with  them,  followed  the  mandarin  to  Sankolinsin’s 
tent. 

That  chieftain  greeted  them  with  triumphant  jeers 


294 


THE  WAR  OF  1 86o 


and  laughter,  and  his  followers,  taking  their  cue  from 
their  chief,  dragged  the  foreigners  off  their  horses  and 
buffeted  them  on  the  head,  while  others  rubbed  their 
faces  in  the  dirt.  Sankolinsin  shared  the  opinion  of 
the  Commissioners  and  others  that  Parkes  was  able, 
if  he  chose  to  exercise  his  powers,  to  stop  the  fighting 
at  any  moment,  and  he  called  upon  him  now  to  issue 
an  order  for  the  arrest  of  the  Allied  forces.  Parkes 
naturally  refused  so  absurd  a request,  and  Sanko- 
linsin, having  lost  his  temper  at  meeting  with  this 
opposition,  would  probably  have  given  vent  to 
violence  had  not  an  officer  hastily  ridden  up  with 
the  announcement  that  his  presence  was  required  at 
the  front.  ^Meanwhile  the  Chinese  had  made  prisoners 
of  the  rest  of  the  party  with  the  exception  of  Colonel 
Walker,  ]\Ir.  Thompson,  and  the  men  of  the  King’s 
Dragoon  Guards  who  had  gradually  become  separated 
from  their  comrades.  This  detachment,  finding  that 
the  Chinese  soldiers  were  becoming  aggressiv^e  and 
violent  in  their  demeanour,  charged  through  their 
ranks  and  escaped  to  the  British  lines.  Immediately 
following  on  their  flight  the  battle  began,  and  the 
sound  of  the  guns  was  a signal  for  Parkes  and  Loch 
to  be  carried  off  in  search  of  the  Prince  of  I.  In  a 
springless  wooden  cart  and  tightly  bound  they  were 
driven  to  Tungchow,  through  the  streets  of  which 
city  they  were  carried  in  triumph,  amid  the  jeers  and 
insults  of  the  people  who  the  day  before  had  offered 
them  obsequious  politeness.  But  the  Prince  of  I was 
not  to  be  found,  and  was  reported  to  have  started  for 
Peking.  The  prisoners  were,  therefore,  hurried  on 
the  road  after  him.  It  was  said,  however,  that  he 


A TREACHEROUS  CAPTURE 


295 


had  subsequently  returned  to  Tungchow,  and  in  this 
uncertainty  the  guard  deemed  it  best  to  take  the 
prisoners  before  General  Juilin,  who  commanded 
another  army  on  the  Peking  side  of  Tungchow. 
This  man  behaved  to  the  captives  with  the  utmost 
brutality,  and,  after  subjecting  them  to  the  grossest 
insults,  ordered  their  removal  to  a small  temple  in 
the  neighbourhood,  where  they  were  searched,  and 
everything  valuable  taken  from  them,  including 
papers.  After  a short  rest  they  were  made  to 
kneel  in  the  courtyard  before  a posse  of  mandarins, 
several  of  whom  they  recognised  as  having  been 
among  the  entourage  of  the  Commissioners  on  the 
day  before.  But  bad  news  from  Changchiawan,  the 
field  of  battle,  was  beginning  to  arrive,  and  their 
inquisitors  suddenly  rode  off  to  effect  their  own 
escapes,  leaving  their  victims  to  the  tender  mercies 
of  the  soldiers,  who  showed  every  disposition  to 
behead  them.  Exentually,  however,  they  were 
again  thrown  bound  into  a cart,  and  were  driven 
off  to  Peking.  Any  one  who  has  had  the  mis- 
fortune to  travel  in  a Chinese  cart,  even  when  all  the 
alleviations  possible  have  been  brought  into  requisi- 
tion, will  readily  understand  the  intense  agony  which 
must  have  been  endured  by  men  bound  as  the 
prisoners  were,  and  driven  quickly  over  the  terrible 
road  which  separates  Tungchow  from  Peking.  The 
miseries  through  which  they  had  gone  since  their 
capture  were  terrible,  but  the  acme  of  mental  torture 
was  reached  when  they  were  driven  into  the  court- 
yard of  the  Hsing  Pu,  or  Board  of  Punishments. 
“ This  is  indeed  woi>:e  than  I expected,”  said  Parkes. 


296 


THE  WAR  OF  1 860 


‘‘We  are  in  the  worst  prison  in  China  ; we  are  in  the 
hands  of  the  torturers  ; this  is  the  Board  of  Punish- 
ments.” 

This  gloomy  building  has  its  foundation  in  the 
very  earliest  records  of  the  Chinese  race,  and  native 
historians  find  references  to  the  precursors  of  the 
horrible  prison  which  now  disgraces  the  capital  of 
China,  in  the  reigns  of  sovereigns  who  ruled  the 
Empire  even  before  fable  developed  into  history. 
The  officials,  doubtless  acting  under  orders,  assumed 
from  the  first  a most  uncompromising  attitude 
towards  their  foreign  captives.  They  bound  them 
with  chains,  they  subjected  them  to  every  kind  of 
indignity,  and  added  a further  cruelty  by  separating 
them.  Loch  gives  the  following  description  of  his 
first  entrance  into  his  dungeon  : “ My  gaoler  went  up 
to  the  door,  and  gave  three  heavy  blows,  crying  out 
at  the  same  time.  A most  unearthly  yell  from  the 
inside  was  the  reply,  the  door  was  thrown  open,  and 
I found  myself  in  the  presence  of,  and  surrounded 
b}",  as  savage  a lot  of  half-naked  demons  as  I had 
ever  beheld  ; the)^  were  nearly  all  the  lowest  caste 
of  criminals  imprisoned  for  murder  and  the  most 
serious  offences.  There  were  about  fifty  in  all,  of 
whom  some  eighteen  or  twenty  were  chained  like 
myself,  but  with  far  lighter  irons.  A few  of  the 
prisoners  were  better  dressed  than  the  others.”  The 
capture  and  imprisonment  of  the  captives  had  been 
a subject  of  congratulation  and  rejoicing  to  the 
Emperor  and  his  advisers,  who  from  their  safe 
retreat  in  the  hunting  palace  at  Jehol  in  Mongolia, 
whither  the  “ Son  of  Heaven  ” had  fled  on  the 


SCENE  IN  THE  BOARD  OF  PUNISHMENTS  29/ 

approach  of  the  Allied  armies,  still  directed  the 
affairs  of  State.  At  this  time  the  war  party  was  in 
power,  and  being  composed  of  men  who  were  quite 
ignorant  of  foreigners,  and  who  were  possessed  with 
an  overwhelming  idea  of  the  power  and  prestige  of 
China,  had  with  light  hearts  nailed  their  flag  to 
the  mast  of  no  compromise.  It  was  still  their  belief 
that  Parkes  could  put  an  end  to  the  march  of  the 
troops  if  he  pleased,  and  if  he  did  not  so  please, 
they  were  quite  content  to  put  him  to  death  and  to 
allow  the  army  to  fight  the  matter  out.  Under  the 
inspiration  of  these  men  the  President  of  the  Board 
of  Punishments  and  his  satellites  indulged  in  every 
insolence  and  cruelty  towards  their  prisoners,  and  if 
they  stopped  short  of  actual  physical  torture,  it  was 
only  with  the  idea  that  it  might  diminish  the  possible 
usefulness  of  their  victims.  It  is  happily  not  often 
that  foreigners  become  acquainted  with  the  insides 
of  Chinese  prisons,  and  no  apology  is  therefore 
needed  for  dwelling  for  a moment  on  one  of  the 
rooms  in  which  Loch  was  examined  on  his  knees 
and  which  recalls  the  horrors  of  the  Inquisition. 
“On  one  side  of  this  dungeon,”  Loch  writes,  “was 
a table  behind  which  three  mandarins  were  seated. 
There  were  various  iron  implements  lying  on  the 
table,  and  the  walls  were  hung  with  chains  and  other 
disagreeable  instruments  the  use  of  which  it  was 
unpleasant  too  closely  to  investigate.  On  one  side 
of  the  room  was  a low  bench,  at  each  end  of  which 
was  a small  windlass,  round  which  a rope  was  coiled  ; 
the  use  to  which  this  machine  might  be  applied 
admitted  of  no  doubt.”  For  ten  days  the  officials 


298 


THE  WAR  OF  1860 


kept  their  prisoners  closely  confined  in  their  loath- 
some dens,  and  at  the  end  of  that  time  circumstances 
arose  which  induced  them  to  move  Parkes  and  Loch 
to  a temple  in  the  north-west  quarter  of  the  city, 
where  they  were  well  treated  and  allowed  their 
liberty  within  the  four  walls  of  the  building. 

In  order  to  make  the  story  of  this  period  clear,  it 
is  necessary  now  to  revert  to  the  proceedings  on  the 
day  of  the  capture  of  the  prisoners.  It  will  be 
remembered  that  the  battle  of  Changchiawan  was 
opening  when  the  supreme  act  of  treachery  was 
perpetrated.  Unfortunately  for  Sankolinsin’s  scheme^ 
events  were  precipitated  before  his  arrangements 
could  be  brought  to  perfection,  and  the  unexpected 
advance  of  the  Allies  somewhat  disconcerted  his 
plans.  The  enormous  force  of  Tartar  cavalry  under 
his  command,  however,  did  their  utmost  to  check 
the  onslaught  of  the  Barbarians.  They  charged  re- 
peatedly and  with  considerable  courage,  while  the 
artillery  served  their  guns  .with  steadiness  and  effect. 
But  they  were  quite  unable  to  resist  the  fire  and 
cavalry  of  the  invaders,  and  after  making  a con- 
siderable stand,  they  tottered,  turned,  and  fled, 
leaving  seventy  - four  guns  in  the  hands  of  the 
victors  and  countless  dead  upon  the  field.  So  soon 
as  the  fate  of  the  day  was  decided,  Sankolinsin  took 
to  flight,  and  only  stayed  to  rally  his  fugitiv'e  forces 
when  he  joined  hands  with  Juilin  on  the  Peking  side 
of  Tungchow.  A day  or  two  later  these  combined 
forces  suffered  another  crushing  defeat  at  Palichiao, 
or  “ Eight-mile  Bridge,”  a spot  which  is  emphasised 
in  tlie  French  annals  as  having  supplied  the  title  of 


frfff 

nuL 


IT  Irrf  rrff 


yrrrrrrj. 


wrr  3 

‘fTT-r.l 


PAGODA  AT  YUAX-MIXG-YUAN,  NEAR  PEKING. 


300 


THE  WAR  OF  l86o 


Count  de  Palichiao  which  was  conferred  on  General 
Montauban. 

After  the  flight  of  the  Emperor  to  Jehol  Prince 
Rung,  his  brother,  was  practically  left  in  command 
on  the  spot.  He  took  up  his  residence  at  Yuan- 
ming-yuan,  the  Summer  Palace,  in  company  with  the 
dowager  Empress,  and  there  received  from  time  to 
time  the  dreary  reports  of  his  country’s  defeats. 
The  news  of  the  disaster  at  Changchiawan  no  sooner 
reached  him  than  he  recognised  the  wisdom  of  doing 
his  utmost  to  prevent,  if  possible,  an  attack  on  the 
capital.  He  hurried,  therefore,  to  meet  the  enemy, 
and  despatched  in  advance  a letter  to  Lord  Elgin 
stating  that  he  held  plenipotentiary  powers  for  the 
negotiation  of  peace.  At  the  same  time,  he  had  the 
temerity  to  urge  a request  for  a temporary  suspen- 
sion of  hostilities.  Lord  Elgin’s  answer  was  short. 
He  gave  his  correspondent  to  understand  that  he 
would  not  for  an  instant  entertain  any  proposals  for 
peace  until  the  prisoners  were  giv^en  up,  and  he 
warned  the  Prince  of  the  serious  consequences  that 
would  be  entailed  on  the  city  of  Peking,  and  even 
on  the  fortunes  of  the  dynasty  itself,  if  in  their  blind 
folly  the  Chinese  compelled  the  Allies  to  attack  the 
capital.  With  this  rebuff  Rung  returned  to  Yuan- 
ming-yuan,  and,  resigning  all  hope  of  peace,  gave 
directions  for  strengtheniiTg  and  defending  the  walls 
of  Peking.  Meanwhile  the  invaders  marched  un- 
opposed along  the  east  face  of  the  city,  the  F'rench 
being  on  the  right,  in  company  with  some  of  the 
British  cavalry.  There  had  been  some  talk  of 
marching  on  Yuan-ming-yuan,  and  the  French, 


THE  FRENCH  IN  YUAN-MING-YUAN 


301 


perhaps  regarding  the  arrangement  as  more  de- 
finite than  it  really  was,  crossed  the  rear  of  the 
British  unobserved,  and  marched  straight  on  the 
palace.  This  move  was  so  sudden  that  Prince 
Kung  and  the  Dowager  Empress  were  yet  in  the 
palace  when  the  French  appeared  before  the  gates. 
With  all  haste  the  Imperial  personages  escaped  out 
of  the  back,  leaving  a party  of  eunuchs  and  one  or 
tvvo  mandarins  to  watch  proceedings.  One  of  these 
officials,  Wang  by  name,  related  to  the  writer  his 
experiences.  He  took  possession  of  a pavilion  at 
the  back  of  the  premises  and  there  waited  on  events. 
The  first  visitors  who  intruded  on  his  privacy  were 
two  or  three  Sikhs  who  had  followed  the  French  to 
the  Imperial  quarters.  “These  men,”  said  Wang, 
“ looked  round  the  room  and  took  anything  they 
fancied,  but  left  me  unmolested.  Presently  there 
entered  some  French  soldiers,  who  took  the  pipe 
out  of  my  mouth,  broke  off  the  jade  stone  mouth- 
piece and  pocketed  it.  I then  thought  it  was  time 
to  go,  and  I followed  Prince  Kung  to  a temple  on 
the  hills  to  the  north  of  the  palace.” 

Yuan-ming-yuan  was  the  favourite  palace  of  the 
Emperor.  It  was  there  where  he  sought  relief  from 
the  cares  of  State,  and  it  was  there  that  some  of  the 
prisoners  had  been  taken  and  had  been  cruelly 
tortured.  The  grounds  covered  an  enormous  extent, 
and  countless  pavilions  of  all  forms  and  shapes  stood 
on  every  spot  where  the  natural  lie  of  the  land  or 
the  skill  of  landscape  gardeners  yielded  appropriate 
sites.  The  gardens  were  bright  with  every  kind  of 
flowering  shrubs  and  plants.  Quaint  bridges  crossed 


302 


THE  IVAE  OF  1 86o 


the  streams  and  lakes  and  led  to  buildings  full  of 
rare  and  priceless  objects.  There  were  collected  the 
choicest  specimens  of  porcelain  from  Kinteching, 
bronzes  from  Soochow,  and  jade  ornaments  from  the 
quarries  of  Central  Asia,  while  curiosities  from 
Europe — watches  and  clocks  from  France,  and 
objects  of  a more  prosaic  nature  from  England,  as, 
for  instance,  the  carriage  presented  by  George  III. 
to  the  Emperor  Ch’ienlung  — thronged  the  halls. 
All  these  stores  of  wealth  were  now  at  the  mercy 
of  the  Allies,  and  for  some  days  the  palaces  were 
looted  without  check  by  the  troops  of  both  armies. 
This  last  catastrophe  disposed  Prince  Rung  to  listen 
with  a more  willing  ear  to  Lord  Elgin’s  demand  for 
the  surrender  of  one  of  the  gates  of  the  city,  and 
after  some  show  of  hesitation  he  found  it  wise  to 
yield  to  circumstances.  It  had  been  made  clear  to 
him  that  there  could  be  no  peace  so  long  as  his 
demand  was  refused,  and  though  to  submit  to  it 
was  as  gall  and  wormwood  to  him,  he  finally  gave 
way,  and  handed  over  the  Anting  Gate,  on  the  north 
face  of  the  city,  to  the  Allied  commanders. 

[Meanwhile  the  Council  of  State  sitting  at  Jeholhad 
maintained  a resolutely  anti-foreign  attitude.  While 
the  troops  were  advancing  from  Tungchow  on  Peking, 
the  Emperor’s  advisers  had  been  discussing  the  fate 
which  was  to  be  meted  out  to  Parkes  and  Loch.  In 
their  headstrong  folly  they  eventually  determined, 
against  the  advice  of  Prince  Rung,  that  they  should 
die,  and  a messenger  was  despatched  to  Peking  with 
a warrant  for  their  immediate  execution.  Happily 
the  peace  party  at  Peking,  consisting  of  Prince  Rung, 


RELEASE  OF  PARKES  AND  LOCH  303 

Hang-ki,  and  others,  had  their  spies  at  Jehol,  and 
the  instant  that  the  death  warrant  was  signed  a swift 
courier  was  sent  with  all  haste  to  the  Prince  to  inform 
him  of  the  fact.  This  fleet-footed  envoy  arrived  at 
Peking  early  in  the  morning  of  the  8th,  bringing  news 
that  the  Imperial  messenger  was  following  closely  at 
his  heels.  If  the  prisoners  were  to  be  sav^ed,  there- 
fore, there  was  no  time  to  be  lost,  and  Hang-ki  at 
once  went  to  the  temple  to  which  they  had  been  re- 
moved, and  announced  to  them  the  glad  tidings  of 
their  immediate  release.  Two  days  previously  this 
same  officer  had  solemnly  stated  to  them  that  their 
execution  was  fixed,  first  of  all,  for  that  same  evening, 
and  then  for  the  next  morning.  This  further  mes- 
sage of  their  proposed  release  was,  therefore,  received 
by  them  with  some  reserve,  and  Parkes,  assuming  an 
indifference  which  he  was  far  from  feeling,  at  once 
renewed  a conversation  on  the  motion  of  the  moon, 
which  had  been  cut  short  on  the  previous  day.  Hang- 
ki’s  manner  and  impatience,  however,  soon  convinced 
him  that  his  tidings  were  really  true,  and  at  two 
o’clock  in  the  day  this  conviction  was  confirmed  by 
the  appearance  in  the  courtyard  of  a covered  cart, 
into  which  the  prisoners,  who  were  now  to  be  free 
men,  were  hastily  placed  and  sent  out  of  the  city. 
Being  in  ignorance  as  to  the  exact  position  of  the 
Allied  forces,  they  were  uncertain  which  way  to  direct 
the  driver, but  going  towards  Y uan-ming-yuan  they  fell 
in  with  a British  guard,  and  at  once  had  the  satis- 
faction of  feeling  that  they  were  at  last  safe  indeed. 
At  the  same  time  eight  sowars  of  Fane’s  Horse  and 
one  F'rench  officer  were  restored  to  liberty.  The 


304 


THE  OF  i860 


remaining  prisoners  had  perished  in  the  hands  of  their 
torturers,  and  their  remains,  which  were  handed  over 
by  the  Chinese  to  the  Allied  Commanders,  were  buried 
with  all  honours  in  the  Russian  Cemetery  at  Peking. 
A quarter  of  an  hour  after  the  cart  which  carried 
Parkes  and  Loch  had  passed  out  of  the  city  gate,  the 
warrant  arrived  for  their  execution  ; and  as  Hang- 
ki  afterwards  said  to  Parkes,  “If  }'our  deliverance 
had  been  only  delayed  a quarter  of  an  hour  even 
Prince  Rung’s  influence  could  not  have  saved  you.” 

The  stories  which  the  recovered  prisoners  had  to 
tell  of  their  captivity,  and  the  sight  of  the  cruelly 
mangled  bodies  of  those  who  had  died  in  their  dun- 
geons, aroused  such  deep  and  violent  indignation  at 
the  treachery  and  brutality  of  the  Chinese,  that  Lord 
Elgin  felt  that  some  signal  punishment  should  be 
inflicted  on  the  Government.  In  this  conviction  he 
wrote  to  Prince  Rung  to  inform  him  that  as  a protest 
against  the  infamous  conduct  of  the  ruling  powers  he 
had  determined  to  destroy  the  Summer  Palace.  In 
meting  out  his  punishment  he  was  guided  by  the 
principle  that  the  penalty  should  be  inflicted  on  the 
Emperor  and  his  personal  belonging,  rather  than  on 
the  people  who  were  comparativ'ely  innocent  of  the 
crime.  Due  notice  having  been  given,  a force  was 
marched  into  the  palace,  and  fire  was  set  to  the 
buildings,  which  were  speedily  laid  level  with  the 
ground.  For  several  days  the  conflagration  raged, 
and,  a north-west  wind  happening  to  blow  at  the 
time,  the  smoke  hung  for  days  like  a black  pall 
over  the  city  of  Peking. 

Though  the  war  party  at  Jehol  were  still  breathing 


SIGNATURE  OF  TREAT V 


305 


out  fire  and  slaughter  against  the  foreigners,  Prince 
Kung  was  quietly  negotiating  the  terms  of  the  treaty. 
By  an  act  of  poetical  justice  the  Prince  of  Ps  house 
was  appropriated  as  the  temporary  residence  of  Lord 
Elgin  and  Baron  Gros,  and  on  the  24th  of  October, 
when  a complete  agreement  had  been  arrived  at,  these 
Ministers  met  Prince  Kung  at  the  Hall  of  Ceremonies, 
and  there  concluded  the  treaty  which  has  guided  the 
relation  between  China  and  the  Western  nations  to 
the  present  day.  With  some  reluctance  the  Emperor 
issued  an  edict  authorising  the  publication  of  the 
treaty  throughout  the  Empire,  and  after  this  final 
act  the  Ministers,  accompanied  by  the  troops,  left 
Peking. 

A time  of  great  doubt  and  uncertainty  followed  on 
the  conclusion  of  peace.  It  is  in  most  cases  difficult 
to  determine  the  true  motives  of  Chinese  statesmen, 
but  in  the  present  instance  there  was  no  trace  of 
ambiguity  in  the  attitude  of  the  anti-foreign  party  at 
Jehol.  To  Prince  Kung,  who  had  seen  the  Allied 
armies,  who  had  recognised  their  strength,  and  who 
had  felt  their  power,  the  idea  of  bringing  about  another 
war  appeared  downright  madness.  In  this  firm  belief 
he  used  his  utmost  endeavours  to  induce  the  Emperor 
to  move  his  Court  to  Peking,  where  he  felt  that  he 
might  have  some  ^chance  of  influencing  the  counsels 
of  his  brother.  This  proposal  was  vehemently  and 
successfully  resisted  by  the  Prince  of  I,  Shu  Shun, 
and  other  evil  counsellors  who  surrounded  the  inert 
and  feeble  “ Son  of  Heaven.”  Throughout  all  these 
negotiations  Prince  Kung’s  hopes  rested,  and  as  it 
was  ultimately  proved,  with  good  reason,  on  the 

21 


3o6 


THE  WAR  OF  l86o 


Empress,  who  was  an  able  woman,  and  who  had  con- 
siderable influence  over  her  husband.  Hsienfeng 
himself  was  little  more  than  a lay  figure,  and  not 
unfrequently  the  members  of  his  council  flagrantly 
disobeyed  with  impunity  his  express  commands. 
During  the  winter  of  1 860-61  Court  intrigues,  and 
more  or  less  open  contests,  were  continually  in  pro- 
gress, and  the  only  hope  of  continued  peace  rested  on 
the  wished-for  triumph  of  Prince  Kung  over  his 
truculent  opponents.  Associated  with  Prince  Kung 
were  Grand  Secretary  Wenhsiang  and  Hang-ki,  who 
were  all  honestly  desirous,  in  the  circumstances,  of 
maintaining  peace.  They  probably  had  as  little 
affection  for  foreigners  as  either  the  Prince  of  I or 
Shu  Shun,  and  indeed  in  a moment  of  confidence 
Hang-ki  said  to  Parkes,  while  he  was  yet  in  his 
bonds,  “ Do  not  mistake  ; it  is  not  for  the  sake  of 
yourselves  individually  that  I advocate  your  release  ; 
far  from  it ; for,  if  I thought  it  would  benefit  our 
position,  I would  advocate  your  death ; but  it  is 
because  I know  your  people.  I am  better  acquainted 
with  their  powers  of  destruction  than  the  other  Com- 
missioners are.  I know  they  will  carry  out  their 
threat  and  destroy  Peking  if  harm  falls  on  you  two  ; 
this  will  bring  misery  on  the  people  and  destruction 
upon  us.”  This  outspoken  utterance  is  faithfully 
descriptive  of  the  attitude  of  ninety-nine  out  of  every 
hundred  mandarins  who  are  at  the  present  date  said 
to  be  amicably  disposed  towards  foreigners. 

But  though  peace  with  the  foreigners  was  restored, 
VcB  victis  was  the  cry  in  the  distracted  Imperial 
Council,  and  the  ratification  of  the  treaties  had  no 


SANKOLINSIN  DEGRADED 


307 


sooner  been  exchanged  than  the  following  edict 
appeared  in  the  Peking  Gazette : “ Let  Sankolinsin 
be  deprived  of  his  nobility  ; let  Juilin  [who  it  will  be 
remembered  commanded  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Tungchow]  be  immediately  deprived  of  his  office,  as 
a warning.  Respect  this.”  This  was  the  beginning 
of  the  fall  of  Sankolinsin,  and  though  he  was  subse- 
quently employed  against  the  Nienfei  rebels  he  re- 
mained under  a cloud  of  official  displeasure,  and  was 
eventually  treacherously  murdered  by  some  of  his  own 
followers.  In  no  country  in  the  world  is  success  re- 
garded so  emphatically  as  a sign  of  merit  as  in  China, 
and  the  reverse — viz.,  that  failure  is  synonymous  with 
incompetence,  holds  good.  Unsuccessful  generals  in 
the  Flowery  Land  find  their  way,  as  a rule,  to  the 
execution  ground,  and  it  is  probable  that  Sankolin- 
sin’s  relationship  with  the  Emperor  alone  saved  his 
life  on  this  occasion. 

During  the  winter  of  1860-61  the  Emperor  re- 
mained at  Jehol  much  against  the  advice  of  Prince 
Rung  and  his  colleagues,  who  felt,  and  rightly  felt, 
that  his  absence  from  the  capital  at  this  crisis  was  a 
virtual  abdication  of  his  Imperial  functions.  But  to 
all  admonition  from  this  quarter  he  turned  a deaf  ear, 
and  at  the  inspiration  of  his  entourage  listened  greedily 
to  the  false  accounts  of  the  disorders,  which  were  said 
by  his  interested  advisers  to  prevail  in  the  capital. 
As  the  summer  drew  on  his  health  began  to  fail.  It 
was  said  that  he  caught  a succession  of  bad  chills, 
and  it  is  possible  that  this  may  have  been  the  case, 
for  though  quite  a young  man  his  strength  was 
seriously  undermined  by  the  constant  debaucheries  and 


3o8 


THE  WAR  OF  1 86o 


acts  of  self-indulgence  which  made  up  his  daily  life. 
At  this  time  a comet  appeared  in  the  skies,  an  occur- 
rence which  is  universally  regarded  in  China  an  evil 
omen.  The  alarm  occasioned  by  this  sign  in  the 
heavens  was  excessive  and  prepared  the  people  for 
the  reports  which  spread  at  the  beginning  of  August 
as  to  the  alarming  state  of  the  Emperor’s  health.  So 
serious  was  the  condition  of  things  that  Prince  Kung 
determined  to  go  to  Jehol,  as  he  rightly  considered 
that  his  only  chance  of  retaining  power  lay  in  his 
being  able  to  combine  with  the  Empress  against  the 
intrigues  of  the  Prince  of  I and  others,  who  still  held 
the  Emperor’s  confidence.  The  political  atmosphere 
at  Jehol  was  not  a congenial  one  to  the  Prince,  and 
though  he  succeeded  in  forming  a most  useful  alliance 
with  the  Empress,  which  was  destined  to  lead  to  great 
consequences,  he  made  no  impression  whatever  on  the 
Emperor,  who  was  evidently  very  near  death.  Prince 
Kung  had  only  just  returned  to  Peking  when  the 
well-known  literary  precursor  of  the  end  appeared  in 
the  shape  of  the  usual  edict  appointing  a successor  to 
the  throne.  This  document  was  as  follows : “ Let 
Tsai  Ch’un,  the  eldest  son  of  the  Emperor,  be  Crown 
Prince.  Our  eldest  son  Tsai  Ch’un  being  now  con- 
stituted Crown  Prince,  let  Ts’ai  Yuan,  Prince  of  I ; 
Twan  Hwa,  Prince  of  Ching ; Ching  Shou ; Shu 
Shun;  Mu  Yin  ; Kwan  Yiian;  Tu  Han;  Tsiang 
Yuying,  with  all  their  might  aid  him  as  Counsellors 
in  all  things  pertaining  to  the  administration  of  the 
Government.”  On  the  22nd  of  August  the  Emperor 
died,  and  the  Crown  Prince  was  proclaimed  Emperor 
under  the  style  of  Chihsiang.  As  the  new  Emperor 


JEHOL  AND  PEKING 


309 


was  but  four  years  old  the  conduct  of  affairs  passed, 
even  more  definitely  than  had  been  the  case  before, 
into  the  hands  of  the  anti-foreign  Council  appointed 
as  above. 

For  a time  things  went  smoothly  ; the  foreign 
relations  were  conducted  by  Prince  Kung,  Prince 
Ch’un,  the  father  of  the  present  Emperor,  Grand 
Secretary  Wenhsiang,  and  the  veteran  Kweiliang, 
while  the  general  administration  of  the  Empire  was 
conducted  from  Jehol.  This  was  plainly  a state 
of  things  which  could  not  continue  to  exist,  and 
towards  the  end  of  October  it  was  announced  that 
the  youthful  “ Son  of  Heaven  ” would  return  at  once 
to  Peking  followed  by  the  funeral  cortege  of  his 
father.  This  decision  brought  matters  to  a crisis, 
and  forced  on  a trial  of  strength  between  the  two 
parties  in  the  State.  The  ladies  of  the  harem  were 
the  first  to  arrive  at  Peking.  These  were  shortly 
followed  by  the  boy  Emperor,  who  entered  his 
capital  seated  on  his  mother’s  knee,  and  attended 
by  the  Council  of  State,  with  the  exception  of  Shu 
Shun  whose  duty  it  was  to  escort  the  remains  of 
the  late  Emperor.  Prince  Kung’s  visit  to  Jehol 
was  now  to  bear  fruit,  and  the  Peking  world  was 
thrown  into  a state  of  wild  excitement  by  the 
appearance  of  an  edict  purporting  by  a pious 
fiction  to  proceed  from  the  hand  of  the  Emperor 
dismissing  the  Jehol  courtiers  from  their  offices,  and 
ordering  that  the  Princes  of  I and  Ching  with  Shu 
Shun,  should  be  put  on  their  trial  for  having  deceived 
their  Imperial  master,  and  for  having  grossly  mis- 
managed the  affairs  of  State.  At  the  same  time  a 


310 


THE  WAR  OF  l86o 


second  decree  appeared  appointing  the  two  Dowager 
Empresses,  the  wife  of  Hsienfeng  and  the  mother  of 
the  Emperor,  Regents  of  the  Empire.  With  these 
two  State  papers  in  his  hand.  Prince  Kung  presented 
himself  before  the  assembled  council,  and  having 
read  in  their  astonished  ears  the  sentence  of  their 
degradation,  he  demanded  to  know  whether  they 
were  prepared  to  submit  to  the  Imperial  commands. 
Kung  had  not  been  unmindful  of  the  possibility  of 
opposition,  and  he  had  strengthened  his  position  by 
massing  large  bodies  of  troops  under  General  Sheng 
Pao,  on  whom  he  could  implicitly  rely,  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  the  capital.  His  enemies,  re- 
cognising their  impotence,  at  once  declared  their 
submission  to  the  decrees,  and  left  the  council 
chamber  in  a body,  but  not  before  the  Princes  of 
I and  Ching  had  been  taken  into  custody.  So  long, 
however,  as  Shu  Shun  was  at  liberty  Kung’s  triumph 
was  incomplete,  and  Prince  Ch’un  was  therefore  sent 
with  a body  of  Tartar  cavalry  to  arrest  the  offender 
on  his  way  from  Jehol  in  command  of  the  funeral 
procession.  It  so  chanced  that  the  Prince  came  upon 
his  prey  late  at  night  at  one  of  the  Imperial  travelling 
palaces  on  the  road.  Without  the  slightest  com- 
punction he  broke  in  upon  the  peaceful  slumbers  of 
Shu  Shun,  when  it  was  proved  to  demonstration  that 
he  had  aggravated  his  offences  by  bringing  the  ladies 
of  his  harem  in  his  company,  while  on  the  sacred  and 
solemn  duty  of  escorting  the  remains  of  his  late 
Imperial  master  to  their  last  resting-place.  With 
stolid  indifference  Shu  Shun  yielded  to  force  majeur, 
and  submitted  to  enter  Peking  as  a prisoner.  No 


EXECUTION  OF  CONSPIRATORS 


3II 

time  was  lost  in  putting  the  prisoners  on  their  trial. 
In  Eastern  countries  only  one  sentence  is  possible  in 
such  a case,  and  all  three  offenders  were  condemned 
to  death.  Shu  Shun  was  declared  worthy  of  Lingeh'ih, 
or  the  Lingering  Process,  while  the  two  Princes  were 
sentenced  to  be  beheaded.  The  severity  of  these 
verdicts  was  mercifully  mitigated  by  the  Dowager 
Empresses,  who  sent  Shu  Shun  to  decapitation  on 
the  execution  ground,  and  as  an  act  of  grace  allowed 
the  two  Princes  to  perform  the  happy  despatch  by 
strangling  themselves  in  prison.  Finally  to  dis- 
associate the  young  Emperor  once  and  for  all  from 
any  association  with  his  father’s  evil  advisers,  the 
title  of  Chihsiang,  which  had  been  chosen  for  his 
reign  by  the  late  council,  was  changed  to  that  of 
T’ungchih. 


X 

THE  T’AIP’ING  rebellion 

Before  the  outbreak  of  the  foreign  war  the 
T’aip’ing  Rebellion,  as  we  have  seen,  had  been 
gradually  dying  out  from  want  of  vigour  and 
initiative,  and  the  two  cities  of  Nanking  and  An- 
king  were  the  only  two  places  of  importance  re- 
maining in  the  occupation  of  the  rebels.  But  when 
it  became  necessary  for  the  Government  to  defend 
the  capital  against  the  Allies,  every  available  soldier 
was  sent  northward,  and  the  local  authorities  were 
left  to  cope  as  best  they  might  with  the  followers 
of  the  “ Heavenly  King.”  But  though  the  rebels 
were  thus  relieved  of  a great  strain,  they  would 
probably  have  been  unable  to  avert  an  immediate 
collapse  had  it  not  been  for  the  Chung  Wang,  or 
Faithful  Prince,  who  throughout  his  whole  career 
showed  a staunch  loyalty  to  the  cause,  and  a 
marked  capacity  for  military  tactics.  The  Tien 
Wang  was  lost  in  a slough  of  debauchery  within 
his  palace  at  Nanking,  and  with  the  exception  of 
Chung  Wang  none  of  the  rebel  leaders  showed 
any  considerable  power  of  organisation  or  any  love 

3x2 


THE  FAITHFUL  PRINCE 


3U 

of  fighting.  At  the  time  of  which  we  speak  (1859) 
Nanking  was  closely  invested  by  the  troops  under 
Tseng  Kwofan,  and  it  is  beyond  question  that  the 
city  would  before  long  have  fallen  into  the  hands 
of  the  Imperialists  if  Chung  Wang  had  not  come 
forward  to  its  relief.  He  instinctively  saw  that, 
beleaguered  as  they  were,  it  had  become  merely  a 
question  of  time  how  long  the  provisions  in  the 
city  would  hold  out,  and  he  recognised  that  the 
only  remedy  left  to  the  garrison  was  to  raise  the 
siege  by  an  attack  from  outside.  With  the  sanction 
of  the  “Heavenly  King”  he  undertook  this  duty, 
and  having  made  his  way  through  the  Imperial 
lines  succeeded  in  collecting  a rebel  force  at  Wuhu. 
With  these  recruits  he  crossed  the  Yangtsze  to  the 
north  bank,  and  laid  siege  to,  and  captured,  the 
important  city  of  Hochow  in  Anhui.  This  was  the 
beginning  of  a series  of  successes.  City  after  city 
fell  into  his  hands,  until  the  whole  country  on  the 
north  side  of  the  river  opposite  Nanking  passed 
into  the  possession  of  the  rebels.  Chung  Wang’s 
main  effort,  however,  was  directed  to  cutting  off  the 
base  of  supplies  from  which  the  Imperial  army 
before  Nanking  drew  its  resources,  and  to  harrying 
its  supports.  With  these  objects  in  view  he  crossed 
the  river,  and  after  a rapid  march,  during  which  he 
captured  several  positions,  he  suddenly  appeared 
before  the  celebrated  city  of  Hangchow.  With 
comparative  ease  he  made  himself  master  of  this 
important  town,  and  was  on  the  point  of  following 
up  his  successes  by  delivering  an  attack  on  Soo- 
chow  when  he  received  a positive  command  from 


314  the  t'aip'ing  rebellion 

the  “ Heavenly  King  ” to  march  at  once  to  the 
relief  of  the  closely  beleaguered  garrison  of  Nan- 
king. Without  a moment’s  delay  he  started  on  his 
mission,  and  on  arrival  at  the  scene  of  action  at  once 
gave  battle  to  the  besieging  force.  Possessed  with 
unbounded  energy  himself  he  succeeded  on  this, 
as  on  many  other  occasions,  in  imparting  the  same 
invaluable  quality  to  his  troops.  With  irresistible 
vigour  they  charged  on  the  Imperial  lines.  The 
battle  was  hotly  contested,  and  ended  in  a com- 
plete victory  to  the  rebels,  who  dissipated  the 
Imperial  army  and  slew  five  thousand  of  its  best 
troops. 

Having  achieved  this  signal  success  the  Faithful 
Prince  returned  with  the  intention  of  completing 
his  sinister  designs  against  Soochow.  But  his  way 
was  not  straight  before  him,  for  at  some  distance 
to  the  north  of  the  doomed  city  was  stationed  an 
opposing  army  led  by  Tseng’s  chief  and  ablest 
lieutenant,  Chang  Kwoliang.  Here  again  the  Im- 
perialists were  completely  defeated  with  a loss  of 
ten  thousand  men,  but  an  even  greater  misfortune 
to  their  cause  was  the  death  of  their  able  commander, 
who  by  some  strange  misadventure  was  drowned  in 
the  Grand  Canal  during  the  progress  of  the  fighting. 
After  another  stubborn  engagement  with  the  re- 
mainder of  the  Imperial  forces,  led  by  Chang’s 
brother,  Chung  Wang  entered  the  city  of  Wusieh 
in  triumph.  It  now  seemed  as  though  a vital,  and, 
from  their  point  of  view,  a most  encouraging  turn 
had  been  given  to  the  affairs  of  the  rebels.  So 
fully  was  this  realised  that  the  Imperialist  General 


IMPERIALIST  DISASTERS  315 

Ho,  who  had  commanded  at  Wusieh,  despairing  of 
his  master’s  cause,  committed  suicide. 

The  Imperialists  were  now  in  desperate  straits, 
while  in  the  north  the  dynasty  was  suffering  a rude 
shock  (May,  i860)  at  the  immediate  prospect  of  an 
invasion  by  the  Allied  armies.  We  have  seen  how 
Yeh,  at  Canton,  while  flouting  the  English  one  day, 
was  ready  to  beseech  their  help  against  the  local 
rebels  on  the  next,  and  guided  by  the  same  instinct 
for  self-preservation  Ho,  the  Viceroy  of  the  two 
Kiang  Provinces,  even  went  the  length  of  begging 
for  the  help  of  some  of  the  foreign  troops,  who  were 
collecting  at  Shanghai  preparatory  to  the  campaign 
in  the  north,  for  the  suppression  of  the  advancing 
T’aip’ings.  This  strange  request  was  of  course 
refused,  but  at  the  same  time  the  Viceroy  was 
informed  that  the  Allies  would  protect  the  city  and 
settlement  of  Shanghai  from  any  assault  that  the 
rebels  might  make  upon  them.  Meanwhile  the 
Faithful  Prince  pursued  his  victorious  career.  In 
rapid  succession  the  cities  of  Soochow,  Quinsan, 
Tsingpu,  and  Taitsan  yielded  to  his  arms,  and 
thus  it  may  be  said  that  the  whole  of  the  rich 
peninsula  formed  by  the  river  Yangtsze  and  the 
Bay  of  Hangchow  had  passed  into  the  hands  of  the 
rebels.  The  news  of  these  fresh  disasters  had  no 
sooner  reached  Peking,  than  the  Viceroy  Ho  received 
orders  to  present  himself  at  Peking  for  judgment. 
It  is  difficult  to  know  what  more  he  could  have 
done  with  the  materials  at  his  disposal.  But  his 
crime  was  failure  to  preserve  the  provinces  entrusted 
to  him,  and  after  a short  shrift  he  was  executed. 


31^  the  t'aip'ing  rebellion 

The  approach  of  the  rebel  legions  to  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Shanghai  gave  rise  to  considerable 
consternation  in  the  minds  of  native  merchants, 
who,  cut  off  as  they  now  were  from  the  districts 
which  supplied  them  with  silks,  satins,  and  teas, 
felt  that  their  occupations  might  be  considered  to  be 
gone,  unless  they  could  by  some  means  help  the 
Government  in  its  present  and  pressing  difficulties. 
Like  the  late  Viceroy  they  turned  to  Europeans 
for  help,  and  established  a Patriotic  Association 
which  they  supported  with  large  sums  for  the 
protection  of  their  country’s  weal.  At  Li  Hung- 
chang’s  instigation  they  engaged  the  services  of  two 
Americans  named  Ward  and  Burgevine, 'who  were 
instructed  to  collect  as  many  stray  Europeans  as 
might  be  found  on  the  spot  available  and  willing 
to  take  up  arms  in  the  Emperor’s  cause.  It  was 
arranged  between  these  adventurers  and  the  As- 
sociation that  they  should  under  any  circumstances 
receive  a certain  fixed  rate  of  pay,  and  that  their 
stipends  should  be  liberally  supplemented  by  rewards 
in  return  for  every  city  or  stronghold  they  might 
take.  To  the  south-west  of  Shanghai,  at  a distance 
of  about  twenty  miles,  stood  the  rebel  stronghold 
of  Sungkiang  Fu.  The  proximity  of  this  place  and 
its  strategic  importance  induced  the  Association  to 
desire  that  it  should  be  the  first  point  of  attack. 
To  this  Ward  agreed,  and  at  the  head  of  about  three 
hundred  Europeans  and  natives  of  Manila,  he  led 
the  assault,  Burgevine  acting  as  Quartermaster  to 
the  expedition.  The  first  onslaught  was  repulsed 
with  considerable  loss,  and  Ward  returned  dis- 


ward's  force 


317 


comfiled  to  Shanghai  to  supply  the  deficiencies  in 
his  ranks.  Having  thus  succeeded  in  gaining  fresh 
recruits,  he  renewed  the  attack,  and  this  time  with 
success.  The  amount  of  plunder  secured  in  this 
venture  was  very  considerable,  and  the  liberal 
douceurs  which  were  distributed  among  the  troops 
gained  increased  popularity  for  the  force.  In  a sea- 
port like  Shanghai  there  is  always  a floating  popula- 
tion of  ne’er-do-weels,  who  are  ready  for  “ treasons, 
stratagems,  and  spoils,”  and  Ward  found  little 
difficulty  in  filling  the  gaps  made  in  his  ranks 
by  wounds  and  death.  The  next  object  of  attack 
was  Tsingpu,  a strong  city  whose  fortifications  had 
been  designed  and  strengthened  under  the  direction 
and  guidance  of  an  Englishman  named  Savage,  who 
like  many  others  had  joined  the  rebel  ranks. 

As  was  the  case  before  Sungkiang,  Ward’s  first 
assault  upon  Tsingpu  was  unsuccessful,  and  he  was  at 
the  same  time  still  further  discomfited  by  an  attack 
on  his  rear  delivered  by  the  ever-alert  Chung  Wang, 
who  not  only  utterly  routed  his  force,  but  captured 
his  artillery  and  stores.  At  the  close  of  the  Peking 
campaign  the  British  authorities  had  leisure  and 
opportunity  to  consider  the  position  of  affairs  in  the 
rebel  districts,  more  especially  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  Shanghai.  That  place  had  of  late  years  become 
such  an  important  emporium  of  trade  that  it  was 
considered  advisable  to  open  negotiations  with  a view 
of  placing  it  beyond  the  possibility  of  warlike  dis- 
turbance. Admiral  Hope  therefore  steamed  up  the 
river  to  Nanking,  and  in  an  interview  with  the 
“ Heavenly  King  ” pointed  out  the  advisability,  in  his 


THE  'fAIP'iNG  REBELLION 


318 

interest  as  well  as  in  that  of  the  British,  of  placing 
the  port  beyond  the  sphere  of  hostile  action.  The 
“ Heavenly  King”  graciously  accepted  this  view  and 
gave  his  word  that  no  attack  should  be  made  on 
Shanghai  for  at  least  one  twelvemonth.  The  exac- 
tion of  this  promise  was  the  more  necessary  and 
important  as  already  the  Faithful  Prince  had  made 
one  attack  upon  the  city.  He  afterwards  stated  that 
he  had  been  invited  to  this  venture  by  the  French, 
but  however  that  may  have  been,  he  found  on  ap- 
proaching the  walls  that  they  were  defended  by  a 
garrison  of  English  and  French,  before  whose  wither- 
ing fire  his  men  fled  away  dismayed.  After  some 
desultory  fighting  in  the  neighbourhood  of  his  defeat 
the  Faithful  Prince  returned  to  Soochow,  whence  he 
was  hastily  summoned  to  Nanking  to  relieve  that 
city,  which  was  being  attacked  for  the  sixth  time  by 
the  Imperialists.  It  is  impossible  to  follow  the 
various  manoeuvres,  assaults,  and  sacks  undertaken 
by  that  most  energetic  of  commanders,  the  Faithful 
Prince.  These  actions  lose  much  of  their  interest 
when  we  find  that  the  T’aip’ing  force  was  merely 
destructive.  The  general  proceedings  on  capturing  a 
city  were  to  slaughter  the  inhabitants,  and  to  loot 
their  homes,  but  in  no  sense  to  set  up  anything 
approaching  to  a stable  administration.  On  the 
other  hand  the  leisurely  movements  of  the  Imperial- 
ists incline  one  to  lose  sympathy  with  men  who, 
while  engaged  in  a life-and-death  struggle  with  the 
promoters  of  disorder,  were  so  strangely  wanting  in 
energy  and  resource.  But  notwithstanding  this 
apparent  apathy  it  was  becoming  plain  to  careful 


THE  TURN  OF  THE  TIDE  3 IQ 

observers  that  the  Imperialists  were  gradually  closing 
round  the  rebels.  The  capture  of  Nanking  by  Tseng 
Kwofan  was  a serious  blow  to  their  cause,  and  after 
that  catastrophe  the  action  shortly  to  be  taken  at 
Shanghai  placed  the  rebels  between  a double  fire. 

So  long,  however,  as  the  Faithful  Prince  was  in 
command  of  the  rebel  armies  successes  were  always 
possible,  and  his  rapid  captures  of  Ningpo  and 
Hangchow  for  a time  revived  the  falling  hopes  of 
the  T’aip’ings.  The  year  during  which  the  “Heavenly 
King”  had  promised  that  no  attack  should  be  made 
on  Shanghai,  had  now  expired,  and  Chung  Wang, 
flushed  by  his  temporary  successes  in  the  south, 
determined  once  more  to  lay  siege  to  that  city.  In 
January,  1862,  his  troops  arrived  in  the  immediate 
vicinity  of  the  town  and  settlement.  Not  wishing  to 
repeat  their  former  experience  by  making  an  actual 
attack  on  the  walls,  the  rebels  entrenched  themselves 
in  the  neighbourhood,  and  devoted  their  leisure  time 
to  plundering  the  country  side.  In  addition  to  the 
promise  mentioned  above,  the  “ Heavenly  King”  had 
undertaken  that  his  troops  should  not,  under  any 
circumstances,  approach  within  a radius  of  thirty 
miles  of  the  city.  This  undertaking  was  now  plainly 
broken,  and  the  Allied  commanders,  fresh  from  the 
victories  achieved  over  the  Imperialists  at  Peking, 
now  undertook  a campaign  against  the  enemies  of 
their  former  foes.  Without  much  difficulty  the  foreign 
troops,  although  numerically  infinitely  inferior,  drove 
back  the  invaders  beyond  the  agreed-upon  line,  and 
recovered  for  the  Emperor  the  town  and  cities  within 
that  district.  Meanwhile  Ward’s  force,  which  had 


320 


THE  t' AIP'lNG  REBELLION 


adopted  the  grandiloquent  title  of  the  “ Ever  Vic- 
torious Army,”  was  rapidly  becoming  an  important 
factor  in  the  situation.  It  numbered  five  thousand 
men  and,  by  a constant  and  careful  system  of  drill, 
was  assuming  somewhat  the  position  of  a regular 
force.  It  ably  supported  General  Staveley  in  his 
campaign  around  Shanghai,  and  subsequently  gained 
numerous  victories  single-handed  over  the  rebels. 
But  the  necessity  which  compelled  Ward,  as  it  subse- 
quently did  Gordon,  to  place  himself  at  the  head  of 
his  men  if  he  wished  them  to  fight,  at  last  proved 
fatal  to  him,  and  in  an  attack  on  the  city  of  Tziiki 
he  received  a wound  which  proved  fatal.  He  was  a 
brave  man,  and  though  quite  uneducated,  had  learnt 
enough  of  military  tactics  to  enable  him  to  hold  his 
own  against  the  rebel  leaders.  It  is  illustrative  of 
the  amount  of  plunder  obtainable  under  the  Imperial 
banner,  that  although  the  deceased  commander  had 
only  held  the  post  for  two  years  he  left  behind  him  a 
fortune  of  fifteen  thousand  pounds. 

The  man  who  was  chosen  to  succeed  him  was  his 
subordinate  Burgevine,  who  was  possessed  of  a more 
high-flying  ambition  than  his  predecessor,  and  who 
was  loftily  determined  that  if  he  commanded  at  all 
he  would  have  his  own  way  in  everything.  Li  Hung- 
chang,  who  had  meanwhile  become  Governor  of  the 
province,  was  not  a man  to  brook  any  such  preten- 
sions, and  it  was  not  long  before  a violent  disagree- 
ment occurred  between  these  two  chiefs.  The  Pa- 
triotic Association,  who  were  quite  as  distrustful  of 
Burgevine  as  was  the  Governor,  entirely  took  his 
view  of  the  position,  and  as  they  held  the  purse  strings 


QUARREL  BETWEEN  LI  AND  BURGE  FINE  32 1 

they  were  a power  which  it  was  all  important  to  con- 
sider. They,  together  with  Li,  had  been  in  the  habit 
of  providing  thirty  thousand  pounds  per  month  for 
the  support  of  the  force,  and  they  chose  to  make 
their  authority  felt  by  reducing  this  sum  as  soon  as 
Burgevine  came  into  power.  The  general  was  not 
likely  to  submit  to  such  action,  and  he,  thereupon, 
went  to  Shanghai  with  his  body-guard,  and  after  a 
personal  altercation  with  the  banker  who  represented 
the  Association,  in  which  even  blows  were  struck,  he 
impounded  a considerable  sum  of  money  which  he 
found  on  the  premises,  and  carried  it  off  to  the  camp. 
This  made  a breach  which  it  was  plainly  impossible 
to  bridge  over,  and  Li  dismissed  Burgevine  from  his 
command.  But  it  is  ill  swapping  horses  when  in  the 
midst  of  a stream,  and  the  dismissal  of  Burgevine 
was  followed  by  almost  a mutiny  amongst  the  troops, 
and  by  the  appointment  of  a Captain  Holland,  under 
whose  command  only  one  expedition,  and  that  an 
eminently  unsuccessful  one  against  T’aits’ang,  was 
undertaken. 

But  a new  turn  was  to  be  given  to  events  by  the 
appointment  of  Major  Gordon  to  the  command  of 
the  Ever  Victorious  Army  vice  Captain  Holland. 
Gordon  was  a man  who  was  known  by  his  fellows  as 
an  officer  of  marked  ability,  great  strength  of  cha- 
racter, and  of  unflinching  courage.  At  the  time  of 
which  we  speak,  he  was  engaged  in  making  a survey 
of  the  country  round  Shanghai,  a useful  work  which 
in  other  circumstances  he  would  have  been  allowed 
to  complete.  But  his  help  was  immediately  called 
for,  and  he  no  sooner  received  the  appointment  of 

22 


322 


THE  'fAIP^ING  REBELLION 


commander  to  the  Force,  than  he  exchanged  the 
theodolite  for  the  sword,  and  marched  out  of  Sung- 
kiang  to  meet  the  enemy.  His  first  objective  was  a 
place  called  Fushan,  which  fell  an  easy  prey  into 
his  hands.  The  fall  of  this  place  entailed  the  eva- 
cuation by  the  rebels  of  Changshu,  a neighbouring 
stronghold,  and  thus  Gordon’s  first  engagement 
secured  a double  victory.  Li  Hungchang  was  de- 
lighted with  the  success  thus  easily  won,  and  he 
reported  to  the  throne  in  glowing  terms  on  Gordon’s 
generalship.  In  response  to  this  effusion  he  received 
a Rescript  which  contained  the  following  reference  to 
the  achievement:  “Gordon,  on  succeeding  to  the 
command  of  the  Ever  Victorious  Force,  having 
displayed  both  valour  and  intelligence,  and  having 
now,  with  repeated  energy,  captured  Fushan,  we 
ordain  that  he  at  once  receive  rank  and  office  as  a 
Chinese  Tsungping  (General),  and  that  we  at  the 
same  time  command  Li  to  communicate  to  him  the 
expressions  of  our  approval.  Let  Gordon  be  further 
enjoined  to  use  stringent  efforts  to  maintain  disci- 
pline in  the  Ever  Victorious  Eorce,  which  has  fallen 
into  a state  of  disorganisation,  and  thus  to  guard 
against  the  recurrence  of  former  evils.  Respect  this.’’ 
Next  to  Nanking  the  most  important  place  in  the 
possession  of  the  rebels  was  Soochow,  and  it  was 
now  Li’s  main  object  to  recover  this  city.  As  a 
preliminary  step,  however,  it  was  necessary  to  capture 
the  city  of  Kunshan  (Quinsan)  before  advancing  to 
the  walls  of  the  great  stronghold,  and  at  Li’s  insti- 
gation Gordon  marched  to  undertake  this  initial 
venture.  The  successes  which  he  had  already  gained, 


ANGLO-CHIXESK  COXTIXGEXT — AKTILLEKY. 


324 


THE  'f  A I P' I NG  REBELLION 


and  the  confidence  which  he  had  inspired,  gave 
courage  to  his  men  ; and  they  marched  willingly  to 
the  attack,  being  not  altogether  unmindful,  also,  of 
the  spoils  which  a successful  assault  would  give 
them  an  opportunity  of  reaping.  While  yet,  however, 
on  the  way  thither  Gordon  received  a pressing 
message  from  Li  beseeching  him  to  march  on  the 
city  of  T’aits’ang  to  avenge  the  defeat  which  his  troops 
had  suffered  at  that  place.  Li  had  been  under  the 
impression  that  the  rebels  were  prepared  to  negotiate 
for  the  surrender  of  the  town,  and  he  was  justified  in 
his  belief  by  the  results  of  several  interviews  which 
his  lieutenants  had  had  with  the  rebel  commanders. 
But  in  Chinese  warfare  it  is  never  safe  to  trust  in 
your  adversary’s  professions,  and  when  the  rebels 
opened  the  gates  and  admitted  fifteen  hundred 
Imperialists  within  the  walls,  it  was  only  that  they 
might  the  more  easily  cut  them  down  to  the  last 
man. 

The  city  was  so  strongly  fortified  that  Gordon’s 
first  attack  proved  unsuccessful.  A second  assault, 
directed  by  more  matured  counsels,  however,  ended 
in  a complete  victory,  and  though  Gordon  had  good 
reason  for  congratulating  himself  on  the  capture,  his 
rejoicings  were  unhappily  marred  by  one  of  those 
inhuman  acts  of  cruelty  which  are ’inseparable  from 
Oriental  warfare.  “ Among  the  prisoners  taken  at 
T’aits’ang  were  seven  notorious  rebel  chiefs,  who 
were  handed  over  by  Gordon  to  the  custody  of  the 
Chinese  General.  It  is  not  clear  whether  or  not  this 
officer  communicated  with  Li  on  the  fate  of  these 
captives,  but  it  is  clear  that  the  inhuman  punishment 


THE  EVER  VICTORIOUS  ARMY  ^2$ 

inflicted  on  them  met  with  his  approval.  Oriental 
ideas  on  the  subject  of  punishment  differ  so  widely 
from  our  own,  that  it  is  impossible  to  judge  them 
by  the  same  rules.  Following  a practice  not  at  all 
uncommon,  the  Chinese  general  ordered  the  men  to 
be  fastened  to  crosses,  to  have  arrows  thrust  through 
their  flesh,  to  have  strips  of  skin  cut  oft  from  various 
parts  of  their  bodies,  and  in  this  state  to  be  exposed 
till  sundown,  and  then  beheaded.” 

Having  avenged  the  defeat  of  Li’s  troops,  Gordon 
was  free  to  order  an  advance  upon  Kunshan.  But 
he  had  forgotten  that  his  men  were  mostly  free- 
booters and  only  partly  soldiers,  and  that  after  the 
capture  of  a city  it  was  customary  for  them  to  carry 
their  spoils  to  headquarters,  z.e.,  Sungkiang.  The 
order,  therefore,  for  an  immediate  advange  aroused 
anger  among  the  troops,  and  produced  open  mutiny 
among  some  of  the  regiments.  To  give  in  to  these 
predatory  habits  would  have  been  fatal  to  the  effi- 
ciency of  the  corps,  and  Gordon,  therefore,  marched 
with  those  who  fell  into  the  ranks  and  warned  the 
remainder  that  any  man  who  was  not  in  his  place  by 
the  time  the  force  had  performed  half  its  march, 
would  be  struck  off  the  rolls.  The  result  of  this 
threat  was  most  salutary.  The  mutineers  submitted 
at  once,  and  marched  with  their  comrades  to  the 
attack.  A General  Ch’eng,  in  command  of  a Chinese 
force,  had  been  appointed  to  act  in  concert  with  the 
Ever  Victorious  Army  in  the  siege  of  Kunshan. 
This  redoubtable  officer  knew  as  much  about  mili- 
tary tactics  as  most  Chinese  generals,  and,  after  much 
reconnoitring  he  had  come  to  the  conclusion  that 


326 


THE  'f  AI PI XG  REBELLION 


the  assault  should  be  made  on  the  side  of  the  eastern 
gate.  Gordon’s  knowledge  of  Chinese  commanders 
prepared  him  for  the  discovery  that  his  colleague 
had  selected  the  strongest  part  of  the  defences  for 
the  attack,  and  after  a careful  surve}’  he  was  led  to 
the  conclusion  that  the  weakest  point  was  on  the 
western  side  of  the  cit\\  In  front  of  this  part  of  the 
walls  were  a number  of  stockades  which  were  taken, 
not  without  some  fighting,  but  with  the  result  that 
the  garrison  of  Kunshan,  losing  heart  at  the  defeat 
of  their  comrades,  evacuated  the  city  and  retreated 
along  the  raised  causeway  which  connects  Kunshan 
with  Soochow.  The  exposed  position  of  this  road- 
way left  the  fugitives  an  easy  prey  to  the  guns  of 
Gordon’s  artillery,  and  of  the  steamer  Hyson,  which 
enfiladed  t4ie  causeway  from  the  waters  of  the  neigh- 
bouring canal.  It  is  said  that  during  the  day 
between  three  and  four  thousand  of  the  rebels 
were  killed,  while  Gordon’s  death  roll  amounted 
only  to  two  who  were  killed  in  action  and  five 
who  were  drowned.  Thus  the  key  of  Soochow  was 
captured. 

For  several  reasons,  partly  strategic  and  partly 
disciplinar}',  Gordon  determined  to  make  Kunshan 
the  headquarters  of  the  force.  This  move  was  bitterly 
resented  by  the  rank  and  file,  who,  under  the  lax 
system  of  \\’ard  and  Burgevine,  had  been  allowed 
a latitude  which  had  destroyed  in  them  the  habit 
of  implicit  obedience.  So  strong  was  this  want  of 
discipline  that  they  broke  out  into  open  mutiny  at 
this  supposed  wrong.  Gordon  at  once  grappled 
with  the  difficulty.  He  readily  divined  that  the 


A MUTINY  IN  THE  TANKS 


327 


non-commissioned  officers  were  the  centres  of  the 
dissatisfaction,  and  he  took  his  measures  accordingly. 
He  announced  to  these  sedition-mongers  that  unless 
within  one  hour  the  men  fell  in,  every  fifth  man 
among  them  would  be  shot,  and  by  way  of  pointing 
the  moral  of  his  threat,  he  ordered  out  the  ringleader 
of  the  whole  movement  to  instant  execution.  The 
sight  of  his  exemplary  punishment  brought  reason 
to  the  counsels  of  his  former  comrades,  and  within 
the  appointed  time  the  men  gave  in  their  loyal 
adhesion  to  their  leader. 

This  was  only  one  of  the  difficulties  which  Gordon 
had  to  encounter  at  this  time.  His  colleague, 
General  Ch’eng,  had  never  forgiven  the  neglect  of 
his  advice  which  had  led  to  the  capture  of  Kunshan, 
and,  on  the  excuse  of  a mistake,  but  really  by  malice 
prepense,  he  directed  on  one  occasion  the  fire  of  his 
guns  against  a regiment  of  the  Ever  Victorious  Army. 
Money  difficulties  with  Li  further  added  to  his 
anxieties.  The  system  of  looting  which  had  been 
encouraged  by  Ward  and  Burgevine  was  repugnant 
to  Gordon’s  ideas  of  soldiering,  and  he  proposed  to 
Li  that  after  the  capture  of  each  town  a gratuity 
should  be  distributed  amongst  the  men  in  place 
of  the  spoils  which  used  to  be  their  portion.  Li 
objected  to  this  plan  as  being  less  economical  than 
allowing  the  troops  to  gather  their  own  rewards,  and, 
though  agreeing  with  the  proposal  so  far  as  Kunshan 
was  concerned,  gave  notice  to  Gordon  that  such 
irregular  payments  were  “very  inconvenient.”  These 
and  other  money  difficulties  so  strained  the  relations 
between  Gordon  and  Li,  that  Gordon  determined  to 


328 


THE  t'aIP'iNG  rebellion 


resign  his  position,  and  he  announced  his  intention  in 
the  following  letter  to  the  Governor  : — 

“Your  Excellency,— In  consequence  of  the 
monthly  difficulties  I experience  in  getting  the 
payment  of  the  force  made,  and  the  non-payment 
of  legitimate  bills  for  boat  hire  and  munitions  of 
war  from  Her  Britannic  Majesty’s  Government,  who 
have  done  so  much  for  the  Imperial  Chinese  authori- 
ties, I have  determined  on  throwing  up  the  command 
of  this  force,  as  my  retention  of  office  in  these  cir- 
cumstances is  derogatory  to  my  position  as  a British 
officer,  who  cannot  be  a suppliant  for  what  Your 
Excellency  knows  to  be  necessities,  and  which  you 
should  be  only  too  happy  to  give.” 

Having  written  this  despatch,  Gordon  left  Kun- 
shan  for  Shanghai,  and  on  arriving  at  that  port  was 
met  with  the  news  that  Burgevine,  who  had  been 
for  some  time  at  Shanghai,  had  joined  the  rebels, 
and  had  gone  to  Soochow  to  assist  in  the  defence 
of  that  city.  This  deed  of  infamy  completely 
changed,  in  Gordon’s  opinion,  the  aspect  of  affairs, 
for  not  only  was  Burgevine’s  help  likely  to  strengthen 
the  rebels’  position  at  Soochow,  but,  as  Gordon  was 
well  aware,  a number  of  officers  and  men  of  the 
Ever  Victorious  Army  had  a strong  affection  for 
their  late  commander.  “In  these  circumstances 
loyalty  to  the  cause  he  had  adopted  made  Gordon 
forget  for  the  moment  Li’s  parsimony  and  Ch’eng’s 
treachery,  and  without  the  loss  of  an  hour  he  turned 
his  horse’s  head  and  rode  back  to  Kunshan,” 


DISAFFECTION  AT  SOOCHOW 


329 


For  some  days  Gordon  remained  at  Kunshan, 
waiting  to  see  what  developments  would  arise  from 
the  presence  of  Burgevine  in  the  rebel  ranks.  As 
nothing,  however,  occurred,  he  again  took  the  field, 
and  after  some  severe  fighting  captured  an  important 
outwork  before  Soochow.  The  turn  which  things 
had  taken  since  Gordon  had  held  command,  and  the 
capture  of  so  many  cities  and  fortified  places  had 
a depressing  effect  upon  the  T’aip’ings,  and  Gordon 
quickly  learnt  that  within  the  walls  of  Soochow  there 
was  a strongly-supported  movement  in  favour  of 
making  terms  with  the  Imperialists.  Several  of 
these  faint-hearted  leaders  opened  negotiations  per- 
sonally with  Gordon,  and  at  several  of  the  meetings 
which  took  place  Burgevine  was  present.  Dis- 
appointed with  the  want  of  spirit  which  he  found 
to  exist  in  the  rebel  camp,  this  versatile  traitor 
proposed  to  come  over  to  the  Imperialists,  on  con- 
dition that  he  and  his  men  should  be  declared  free 
from  any  penalty  for  the  part  they  had  taken  in 
supporting  the  rebel  cause.  While  preparing  for 
this  tergiversation  he  had  the  folly  to  propose  to 
Gordon,  of  alh  men  in  the  world,  that  they  should 
together  raise  a force  and  march  on  Peking,  over- 
throw the  dynasty,  and  on  its  ruins  establish  an 
empire  for  themselves.  One  can  understand  the 
difficulty  which  Gordon  had  to  refrain  from  express- 
ing his  contempt  and  disgust  at  the  folly  and  crime 
of  such  a proposition.  Meanwhile  negotiations  went 
on,  and  matters  were  hastened  by  a violent  incident 
which  occurred  within  the  city  walls.  The  garrison 
was  commanded  by  Mu  Wang,  one  of  the  few 


330 


THE  T^AIP'/HG  REBELLION 


honourable  men  in  the  rebel  ranks,  and  one  who 
had  not  joined  the  other  chieftains  in  the  negotia- 
tions with  Gordon.  He,  however,  was  aware  of  what 
was  going  on,  and  invited  the  commanders  to  dinner 
to  discuss  the  situation.  Considerable  heat  was 
shown  in  the  course  of  the  proceedings,  and  in  the 
midst  of  a vehement  dispute  one  of  the  commanders 
drew  a dagger  and  stabbed  Mu  Wang  to  the  heart. 
The  conspirators  then  agreed  to  give  up  one  of  the 
gates  to  Gordon’s  force.  Li,  who  was  cognisant  of 
the  course  of  events,  moved  to  the  neighbourhood 
of  the  city  in  order  to  grace  with  his  presence  the 
expected  triumph.  On  the  gate  being  surrendered, 
the  commanders  went  out  in  a body  to  Li’s  quarters 
to  complete  their  surrender.  What  exactly  happened 
on  their  entering  the  presence  of  the  Governor  has 
never  been  clearly  ascertained.  Li  subsequently 
accused  them  of  having  been  violent  in  their 
behaviour,  and  exorbitant  in  their  demands  ; but, 
be  that  as  it  may,  Li,  in  spite  of  his  solemn 
promise  that  Gordon’s  agreement  should  be  ob- 
served, and  that  the  lives  of  the  commanders 
should  be  spared,  ordered  them  out  to  instant 
execution.  The  news  of  this  inhuman  treachery 
reached  Gordon  in  Soochow,  and  he  then  for  the 
first  time  during  the  campaign  took  a weapon  in 
his  hand.  Arming  himself  with  a rifle,  he  went  in 
search  of  the  treacherous  Li,  and  would  unquestion- 
abh'  have  shot  him,  if  the  Governor,  having  received 
timely  warning  of  his  danger,  had  not  taken  to  flight. 
Outside  Li’s  late  headquarters  Gordon  found  the 
mangled  remains  of  the  men  to  whom  he  had 


US  YELLOW  JACKET 


331 


promised  life,  and  the  sight  of  their  mutilated  bodies 
added  grief  and  anger  to  his  mind.  Only  one  course 
was,  he  felt,  open  to  him  in  these  circumstances,  and 
he  wrote  to  Li  “ an  indignant  letter,  in  which,  while 
proclaiming  the  infamy  of  his  conduct,  he  resigned 
the  command  of  the  force.” 

The  capture  of  Soochow  was  a crushing  blow  to 
the  T’aip’ings,  and  with  a great  flourish  of  trumpets 
Li  announced  the  victory  to  his  Imperial  master, 
who,  taking  up  his  vermilion  pencil,  indicted  an  edict, 
in  which  he  described  how  “ the  army,  acting  under 
orders  from  Li  Hungchang,  captured  in  succession 
the  lines  of  rebel  works  outside  the  four  gates  of 
the  city,  and  so  struck  terror  into  the  enemy,  that 
urgent  offers  of  returning  allegiance  were  made.  . . . 
As  a mark  of  his  sincere  approbation  his  majesty 
is  pleased  to  confer  upon  him  (Li)  the  honorary  title 
of  ‘ Guardian  of  the  Heir- Apparent,’  and  to  present 
him  with  a yellow  jacket  (which  was  temporarily 
taken  from  him  at  the  close  of  the  Japanese  war). 
Gordon,  especially  appointed  General  in  the  army 
of  Kiangsu,  was  in  command  of  troops  who  assisted 
in  these  operations.  His  Majesty,  in  order  to  evince 
his  approval  of  the  profound  skill  and  great  zeal 
displayed  by  him,  orders  him  to  receiv^e  a military 
decoration  of  the  first  rank  and  a sum  of  10,000 
taels.”  In  obedience  to  this  edict,  Li  sent  messengers 
bearing  the  10,000  taels  to  the  still  indignant  Gordon, 
and  probably  never  in  the  history  of  the  Empire 
have  Imperial  envoys  dona  ferentes  met  with  such 
a reception  as  was  accorded  to  these  men.  Gordon 
had  been  in  the  habit  of  leading  his  men  into  the 


332 


THE  t\4IP^ING  REBELLION 


thickest  of  the  fight,  carrying  in  his  hand  only  a stick 
with  which  he  directed  their  movements.  On  this 
occasion  he  seized  the  same  weapon,  and  applying 
it  vigorously  to  the  backs  of  the  astonished  envoys, 
drove  them  from  his  presence,  carrying  with  them 
the  blood-stained  money  which  had  been  sent  for 
his  acceptance. 

For  two  months  Gordon  remained  inactive,  but  at 
the  end  of  that  period,  after  much  negotiation,  he 
was  induced  once  again  to  take  the  field.  Soochow 
having  fallen,  Gordon’s  prime  object  was  to  join 
hands  with  Tseng  Kwofan,  who  was  at  this  time 
closely  besieging  Nanking.  With  complete  success 
he  captured  the  two  cities  which  stood  between 
him  and  his  objective,  and  was  about  to  continue 
his  march  towards  the  “ Southern  Capital,”  when 
he  received  an  urgent  message  from  Li,  begging 
him  to  join  him  before  Changchow  Fu.  Li’s  appeal 
for  help  was  the  more  pressing,  as  he  had  just  lost 
the  services  of  General  Ch’eng,  who,  with  all  his 
faults  and  failings,  and  they  were  neither  few  nor 
inconsiderable,  was  one  of  the  best  generals  of  which 
the  Imperialists  could  boast.  In  an  attack  on 
Kashing  Fu  he  had  received  a wound  when  leading 
his  men,  which  rapidly  proved  fatal.  Gordon  con- 
sequently hastened  to  the  succour  of  his  colleague, 
and  after  some  stiff  fighting  captured  the  city.  With 
the  fall  of  this  stronghold  the  province  of  Kiangsu 
was  restored  in  its  entirety  to  the  Imperialists,  and 
Hangchow  having  fallen  to  the  prowess  of  Tso 
Chungt’ang,  there  remained  to  the  rebels  only  the 
one  city  of  Nanking.  The  defences  of  this  citadel 


FALL  OF  NANKING 


333 


were  fast  crumbling  away.  Tseng  Kwofan  had  com- 
pletely surrounded  it,  and  provisions  and  ammunition 
were  falling  short  within  the  walls.  By  way  of 
lightening  the  burden  on  the  rebel  commissariat  the 
“ Heavenly  King  ” sent  out  the  women  and  children, 
as  being  bouches  inutiles^  to  the  Imperialist  lines.  To 
the  credit  of  Tseng  Kwofan  it  must  be  said  that  he 
treated  these  helpless  refugees  with  all  consideration. 
He  provided  for  their  wants,  and  sent  them  to  a 
place  of  safety.  This  was  the  beginning  of  the  end. 
A few  days  later  a mine  which  had  been  laid  by  the 
besiegers  was  fired,  and  a wide  breach  was  made  in 
the  city  wall.  Through  this  opening  the  Imperialists 
rushed  in,  and  the  fate  of  the  city  was  at  once 
decided.  The  “ Heavenly  King  ” poisoned  himself 
with  gold-leaf,  and  the  Faithful  Prince,  who  had 
defended  the  place  with  the  greatest  courage,  carried 
off  the  youthful  heir  to  the  T’aip’ing  throne,  in  the 
vain  hope  that  he  might  be  able  to  establish  an 
empire  in  some  other  part  of  the  country.  With 
characteristic  unselfishness  he  placed  the  boy  on  his 
own  horse,  and  mounted  himself  on  a less  well- 
favoured  animal.  But  the  pursuit  was  too  quick 
for  them,  and  they  were  both  captured.  The  boy 
was  beheaded  on  the  spot,  and  Chung  Wang  was 
allowed  a week’s  respite  for  the  strange  purpose  of 
thus  having  time  to  write  his  own  memoir.  So  soon 
as  he  had  finished  the  last  line  of  this  curious  pro- 
duction he  was  carried  out  to  the  execution  ground. 
The  pages  which  he  composed  when  about  to  die 
have  since  been  printed,  and  are  full  of  interesting 
rnatteq  though,  as  might  be  imagined,  strict  historical 


334 


THE  'f  AIP' I NG  REBELLION 


accuracy  is  not  always  to  be  found  in  them.  It  is 
impossible  to  deny  to  this  man  the  credit  of  having 
fought  bravely  and  well  for  the  cause  which  he  had 
adopted,  and  it  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  if  all  the 
other  T’aip’ing  leaders  had  been  animated  with  the 
same  spirit  of  devotion  and  energy  as  that  by  which 
he  was  actuated,  the  T’aip’ing  cause  might  have  had 
a very  different  issue. 

The  Ever  Victorious  Army  having  now  served  its 
end,  Li  Hungchang,  who  had  always  been  jealous 
of  it,  at  once  proposed  its  disbandment.  Like  all 
Chinamen,  Li  is  a thorough  opportunist.  When 
difficulties  present  themselves  he  does  his  best  to 
grapple  with  them,  but  when  once  they  disappear  he 
regards  it  as  quite  unnecessary  to  prepare  defences 
against  future  evils,  or  to  take  to  heart  any  lessons 
from  defeat  and  failure.  W have  had  abundant 
evidence  of  this  spirit  of  late  years.  The  wars  of 
1858  and  i860,  the  T’aip’ing  Rebellion,  the  Russian 
scare,  the  French  war,  and  the  Japanese  invasion, 
have  all  furnished  examples  of  the  inability  of 
Chinamen  to  do  more  than  struggle,  and  generally 
ineffectually,  with  immediate  events.  In  this  respect 
they  are  like  children  in  whose  eyes  the  present 
difficulty  is  the  all-absorbing  subject,  and  who  do  not 
understand  the  possibility  that  the  crisis  may  occur 
again.  One  would  have  expected  that  after  the 
experience  of  the  T’aip’ing  Rebellion  and  the  very 
material  aid  given  to  the  Imperial  cause  by  Gordon’s 
force,  Li  would  have  attempted  to  raise  a corps 
which  should  be  drilled  and  armed  on  the  same  lines. 
But  the  instant  that  Nanking  had  fallen  he  was  only 


THE  EVER  VICTORIOUS  ARMY  DISBANDED  335 

too  ready  to  pay  off  the  Ever  Victorious  Army, 
and  to  rid  himself  of  the  hateful  intermeddling  of 
foreign  officers  in  native  concerns.  Gordon  had 
proposed  that  in  order  to  maintain  a disciplined 
force,  a camp  should  be  formed  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  Shanghai,  where  a native  army  could  be  drilled  by 
European  officers  on  the  English  model.  But  Li 
would  have  none  of  it,  and  was  quite  prepared  to 
allow  his  province  to  revert  to  its  original  condition 
of  corruption  and  inefficiency  until  such  time  as  some 
new  emergency  might  arise  to  call  for  fresh  exertions. 
But  the  most  signal  example  of  this  laissez-faire 
policy  has  been  displayed  since  the  Japanese  war. 
Such  a crushing  defeat  by  a neighbouring,  hitherto 
despised.  State,  would,  one  would  have  thought,  have 
shamed  the  mandarins  into  taking  measures  to  make 
another  such  disaster  impossible.  But  they  have 
done  next  to  nothing  to  strengthen  their  position, 
and  the  little  that  has  been  effected  has  been  entirely 
due  to  the  pressure  which  has  been  brought  to  bear 
upon  them  by  Russia  and  Germany.  Another  war 
would  practically  find  them  in  as  hopeless  a condition 
as  that  in  which  they  were  in  1894,  and  the  position 
is  the  more  hopeless  since  they  feel  no  shame  at 
their  defeat.  Their  national  pride  covers  them  as 
with  a garment,  and  they  affect  to  regard  the 
invasion  of  Korea  and  Manchuria  as  burglarious 
attempts  on  the  part  of  Japanese  pirates  to  rob  them, 
by  a raid,  of  their  rightful  possessions.  They  are 
content  to  declare  that  such  conduct  is  contrary  to 
the  rules  of  propriety,  and  with  this  soothing  con- 
sideration they  try  to  dismiss  the  subject  from  their 
minds.  Shortly  before  the  fall  of  Nanking  some  gun- 


33<3 


THE  t' A I P'ING  REBELLION 


boats,  which  in  the  hour  of  their  emergency  the 
Government  had  ordered  from  England,  arrived  at 
Shanghai,  commanded  by  Captain  Sherard  Osborn 
of  the  Royal  Navy.  As  their  active  services  were  no 
longer  required,  Li  set  to  work  to  destroy  their 
efficiency.  His  emissaries  attempted  to  bribe  the 
sailors  to  come  over  to  the  native  gunboats  by  offers 
of  large  increases  of  pay,  and  he  proposed  such 
impossible  conditions  on  Sherard  Osborn  in  the  case 
of  his  fleet  being  employed,  that  that  officer  left  the 
port  and  steamed  to  the  Peiho  to  lay  his  case  before 
the  Central  Government.  But  referring  from  Li 
Hungchang  to  the  Tsungli  Yamen  was  like  asking 
Mr.  Spenlow  to  decide  a question  in  opposition  to 
Mr.  Jorkins.  Prince  Rung  and  his  colleagues  were 
in  full  sympathy  with  Li  Hungchang  in  this  matter, 
and  having  no  immediate  use  for  the  gunboats,  they 
were  only  too  glad  to  have  the  excuse  of  Captain 
Osborn’s  demands  for  declining  altogether  to  receive 
them.  In  the  same  spirit  Li  Hungchang,  shortly 
before  the  outbreak  of  the  Japanese  war,  got  rid  of 
Captain  Lang,  who  had  been  for  years  in  command 
of  the  northern  fleet,  and  whose  continued  presence 
might  have  put  a different  complexion  on  the  battle 
of  the  Yalu.  This  curious  failure  to  understand  the 
necessity  of  preparing  for  emergencies  has  brought 
disaster  after  disaster  upon  the  country,  and  at  the 
present  moment  there  is  no  sign  that  the  authorities 
are  at  all  alive  to  the  obligations  which  rest  on  them 
if  they  would  preserve  the  existence  of  the  Empire. 
Many  regiments  of  their  troops  are  still  armed  with 
bows  and  arrows  ; immense  stores  of  ammunition  are 
absolutely  useless,  and  their  best  weapons  are  obsolete. 


XII 

THE  NIENFEI  AND  MOHAMMEDAN  REBELLIONS 

Ll  Hungchang  was  called  upon  to  meet,  sooner 
than  might  have  been  expected,  an  emergency  in 
which  he  had  again  to  appeal  to  foreigners  for  help. 
The  suppression  of  the  T’aip’ing  Rebellion  had  not 
altogether  restored  peace  to  the  country.  The  storm 
was  over,  but  the  ground-swell  still  remained,  and 
from  the  disturbing  elements  which  had  been  evoked 
another  movement,  hostile  to  the  Imperial  Govern- 
ment, rose  in  arms.  The  rebels  had  been  so  long 
accustomed  to  live  by  plunder  rather  than  by  honest 
work,  that  when  as  T’aip’ings  their  occupation  was 
gone,  they  combined  together  again  to  raise  the 
standard  of  revolt  in  the  provinces  of  Shantung  and 
Honan.  Under  the  title  of  Nienfei  these  restless 
marauders  wandered  over  the  country  looting  and 
murdering.  With  some  success  they  captured  open 
towns  and  villages,  and  so  serious  was  at  one  time 
the  aspect  of  affairs  that  Li,  whose  experiences  at 
Kiangsu  were  considered  to  have  peculiarly  fitted 
him  for  the  task,  was  appointed  Commissioner  to 
suppress  the  rising. 


337 


338  THE  NIENFEI  AND  MOHAMMEDAN  REBELLIONS 

On  receiving  his  nomination  Li  at  once  enlisted 
the  services  of  as  many  of  his  old  European  officers 
as  still  were  to  be  found  in  Shanghai,  and  with  these 
as  the  backbone  of  his  force  he  took  the  field  against 
the  rebels.  The  province  of  Shantung,  where  the 
rebels  were  strongest,  so  far  resembles  in  outline  the 
province  of  Kiangsu  that  three  sides  of  it,  the  north, 
east,  and  south,  are  washed  by  the  ocean.  It  had 
been  Li’s  aim  in  the  previous  campaign  to  drive  the 
T’aip’ings  into  the  promontory  of  Kiangsu,  and  now, 
imitating  the  same  tactics,  he  attempted  to  urge  the 
Neinfei  against  the  seaboard  in  Shantung,  and  there 
to  overwhelm  them.  He  was  so  far  successful  that 
he  succeeded  in  driving  the  enemy  into  the  desired 
position.  But  he  had  forgotten  that  troops  could  be 
transported  by  sea  as  well  as  moved  on  land,  and  to 
his  extreme  mortification,  after  having  built  a wall 
across  the  neck  of  the  promontory,  he  found  that  the 
rebels  had  taken  ship,  had  outflanked  his  position, 
and  were  pursuing  their  predatory  career  in  the 
districts  in  his  rear.  For  this  and  other  failures  he 
was  robbed  of  the  Yellow  Jacket  which  he  had  won 
against  the  T’aip’ings  and  was  ordered  back  to  his 
Viceroyalty — he  had  in  the  meantime  become  Vice- 
roy of  the  Liang  Hu  Provinces.  By  the  skilful  use 
of  his  Court  influence,  however,  he  retained  his 
position,  and  by  a fortunate  series  of  victories,  finally 
achieved  the  success  which  at  first  was  denied  him. 
At  the  conclusion  of  the  campaign  he  was  granted 
an  Imperial  audience,  when  he  had  the  gratification 
of  once  more  finding  the  Yellow  Jacket  placed  upon 
his  shoulders. 


MOHAMMEDANS  IN  YUNNAN 


339 


By  a merciful  dispensation  of  Providence,  so  far  as 
the  Manchu  Dynasty  of  China  is  concerned,  the 
rebellions  which  have  disturbed  the  peace  of  the 
Empire  during  the  present  century  have  been 
guided  by  men  who  have  proved  themselves  quite 
incapable  of  establishing  a settled  government  in  the 
districts  over  which  they  have  established  their 
power.  While  the  Imperial  forces  were  engaged  in  a 
death  struggle  with  the  T’aip’ings,  a rebellion,  which 
at  one  time  seemed  likely  to  assume  very  serious 
proportions,  broke  out  in  the  province  of  Yunnan. 
That  district  has  always  contained  a large  Moham- 
medan population.  Accounts  differ  as  to  whence 
these  followers  of  the  Prophet  originally  came.  The\' 
themselves  have  a legend  that  during  a rebellion 
which  broke  out  in  the  eighth  century,  a mission  was 
sent  by  the  reigning  Emperor  to  Bagdad  asking  the 
Khalif  for  succour  against  his  revolting  subjects.  In 
answer  to  this  appeal  three  thousand  Turkish  soldiers 
were  lent  to  the  hardly  pressed  “ Son  of  Heaven.” 
Having  successfully  accomplished  their  errand  they 
were  naturally  inclined  to  return  to  their  native 
lands,  but  were  refused  admission  among  their 
countrymen  on  the  ground  that  they  had  been 
defiled  by  a residence  among  pork-eating  infidels. 
They,  therefore,  made  up  their  minds  to  settle  in 
Yunnan,  where  some  few  remnants  of  these  first 
immigrants  remain  at  the  present  day.  Some  colour 
is  given  to  this  account  by  the  fact  that  the  people 
in  their  appearance  more  nearly  resemble  natives  of 
Arabia  than  sons  of  Han.  By  the  constant  inter- 
marriage with  the  Chinese  their  features  have  become 


340  THE  NIENFEI  AND  MOHAMMEDAN  REBELLIONS 

to  a great  extent  sinicised,  though  they  can  be  still 
readily  distinguished  by  their  superior  stature,  greater 
physical  strength,  and  more  energetic  physiognomies. 
But  whatever  may  be  the  semblance  of  truth  in  this 
story,  it  is  a well-known  fact  that  in  the  early  part  of 
the  fourteenth  century  the  province  of  Yunnan  was 
largely  populated  by  Mohammedans,  and  we  know 
from  the  records  that  a century  earlier  the  faith 
of  Islam  was  carried  into  China  by  Mussulman 
emigrants  from  Central  Asia. 

Up  to  the  middle  of  the  present  century  these 
strangers  and  pilgrims  seem  to  hav^e  lived  at  peace 
with  their  Confucianist  and  Buddhist  neighbours. 
At  times  no  doubt  they  felt  the  heavy  hand  of 
oppression,  at  the  instance  of  narrow-minded  officials, 
and  in  1851  so  fierce  a persecution  arose  that  an 
urgent  petition  was  presented  to  the  Throne  accusing 
the  Emperor’s  officials  of  gross  oppression  and 
wrong,  and  praying  that  a just  and  honest  man 
might  be  sent  to  rule  in  Yunnan.  This  memorial 
was  unproductive  of  any  results,  but  for  a time 
nothing  occurred  to  disturb  the  peace  of  the  province. 
In  1855,  however,  a riot  broke  out  at  one  of  the 
copper  mines  for  which  Yunnan  is  famous.  Un- 
fortunately the  mandarin  in  command  of  the  district 
combined  cowardice  with  incompetency,  and  took  to 
flight,  leaving  the  rioters  to  fight  out  their  difficulty. 
A general  massacre  is  a very  common  Chinese 
remedy  for  suppressing  a revolt,  and  the  Yunnan 
officials  deemed  this  a proper  opportunity  for 
applying  the  exterminating  cure.  The  Viceroy,  to 
his  credit  be  it  said,  raised  a protest  against  so 


A viceregal  suicide 


341 


drastic  a remedy,  but  finding  himself  unable  to  check 
his  subordinates,  committed  suicide  in  order  to 
emphasise  his  disapproval  of  their  brutal  proposal. 
Unfortunately  this  self-sacrifice  was  unavailing,  and 
in  spite  of  the  Viceroyal  incident  a day  was  fixed  for 
the  slaughter.  Although  rumours  had  been  rife  that 
this  wholesale  murder  was  to  be  committed,  the 
Mahommedans  were,  strangely  enough,  taken  by 
surprise,  and  many  fell  victims  to  the  relentless 
swords  of  the  mandarins.  But  a remnant  was  left, 
and  these  men,  driven  desperate  by  the  conduct  of 
their  oppressors,  banded  themselves  together,  vowing 
to  oppose  to  the  death  the  Imperial  rule  in  Yunnan. 
Two  leaders  were  at  this  time  forced  to  the  front  by 
circumstances.  One  was  a man  named  Ma,  who 
exercised  priestly  functions,  and  who  had  accumu- 
lated religious  sanctity  by  having  made  a pilgrimage 
to  Mecca.  After  his  visit  to  that  sacred  city  he  had 
travelled  through  Egypt  and  Turkey,  and  had 
returned  to  China  with  a high  reputation  for  religious 
zeal  and  knowledge.  The  other  chieftain  was  known 
as  Tu.  This  man,  who,  as  was  afterwards  seen, 
proved  to  be  the  staunchest  commander  of  the  two, 
took  early  possession  of  the  important  city  of  Talifu, 
and  there  organised  some  sort  of  local  government. 
In  choosing  this  city  as  his  headquarters  he  showed 
a keen  eye  for  military  defence.  Dr.  Anderson  in 
his  “ Mandalay  to  Momein,”  thus  described  this 
stronghold  : “ Although  Talifu  is  a small  town  the 
population  of  which  did  not  at  that  time  (1857) 
exceed  thirty-five  thousand,  the  rich  plain  walled  in 
by  mountains,  and  with  a lake  teeming  with  fish. 


342  THE  NIEKFEI  AND  MOHA.m/EDAN  REBELLIONS 

stretching  forty  miles  in  length  and  ten  in  breadth, 
maintained  a population  estimated  before  the  war  at 
four  hundred  thousand  ; . . . the  mountains  to  the 
north  and  south  close  in  upon  the  lake,  and  the  plain 
and  city  are  accessible  only  by  two  strongly  fortified 
passes.  . . . Thus  Tali  has  been  from  the  earliest 
times  a strong  city  ; it  was  the  capital  of  a kingdom 
at  the  invasion  of  Kublai  Khan,  and  is  still  regarded 
by  the  Tibetans,  who  make  pilgrimages  to  its 
vicinity,  as  the  ancient  home  of  their  forefathers.” 
Secure  in  the  possession  of  this  stronghold  Tu 
declared  himself  independent  of  Ma,  who  was  thus 
left  to  command  such  forces  in  the  field  as  he  was 
able  to  collect.  At  the  head  of  his  somewhat  ragged 
regiments  he  attacked  the  city  of  Yunnan  Fu,  and 
was  repulsed  without  much  difficulty.  In  1859, 
however,  he  reappeared  before  its  walls  at  the  head 
of  fifty  thousand  fighting-men.  This  attack  was 
seriously  meant,  and  the  Imperialist  garrison  was 
reduced  to  such  a parlous  state  that  they  were  on 
the  point  of  surrendering,  when  to  their  infinite  sur- 
prise and  relief  they  received  proposals  from  ]\Ia  of 
negotiations  for  peace,  on  the  understanding  that  he 
and  his  men  should  be  accepted  as  Imperialist 
recruits.  This  opportunity  of  escape  from  a dire  and 
impending  disaster  was  too  convenient  to  be  allowed 
to  lapse,  and  the  terms  were  not  only  promptly 
arranged  between  the  leaders  on  the  spot,  but  met 
with  full  and  instant  approval  at  Peking.  ]\Ia  himself 
was  promised  high  office  in  the  State,  and  his  kins- 
man of  the  same  surname,  and  who  enjoyed  the 
personal  name  of  Julung,  was  made  a general  in  the 


MOHAMMEDAN  DISAFFECTION 


343 


Imperial  army.  When  sides  are  so  easily  exchanged 
and  prizes  so  easily  won,  the  temptation  to  indulge 
in  personal  ambitions  is  more  than  most  men,  and 
especially  Orientals,  can  resist,  and  on  the  occasion  of 
Majulung  taking  the  field  against  the  rebel  force, 
his  lieutenant,  whom  he  had  left  in  command  at 
Yunnan  Fu,  raised  the  standard  of  revolt,  murdered 
the  Viceroy,  and  took  possession  of  the  town  in  the 
Mohammedan  interest.  This  treacherous  move  was 
short-lived.  Ma  hastened  back  to  the  city,  effected 
an  entrance  through  the  walls,  and  after  five  days’ 
hard  fighting,  restored  all  that  was  left  of  it  to  the 
Imperial  sway.  During  this  time  Tu  was  consoli- 
dating his  power  at  Tali  Fu,  and  being  a man  of 
determination  and  vigour,  whose  authority  it  was 
essential  to  check,  it  was  deemed  best  and  safest  by 
the  Imperialists  to  attempt  to  subdue  him  by  offers 
of  preferment  rather  than  .by  attacks  on  his  fortress. 
The  priestly  Ma,  being  of  a diplomatic  turn,  was 
deputed  to  open  relations  with  him,  and  by  display- 
ing the  honours  which  had  rewarded  his  own 
treachery  to  persuade  him  to  follow  his  example.  But 
the  chieftain  was  made  of  sterner  stuff  than  his  inter- 
viewer, and  treated  with  disdain  his  dastardly  proposals. 

When  so  vast  a province  as  Yunnan,  covering  as  it 
does  an  area  of  107,969  square  miles,  is  in  the  throes 
of  rebellion,  it  is  impossible  to  suppose  that  the  spirit 
of  unrest  should  not  spread  to  the  neighbouring 
districts.  In  the  adjoining  province  of  Kweichow 
existed,  and  still  exists,  a large  population  of  Miaotzu 
who  have  a distinct  origin  from  the  Chinese,  and  who 
are  survivors  of  one  of  the  original  races  which  occu- 


344  the  niexfei  and  mohammedan  rebellions 

pied  the  Empire  before  the  advent  of  the  Chinese. 
As  the  primitive  invaders  advanced  into  the  country 
the  Miaotzii,  like  the  other  aboriginal  tribes,  retreated 
to  the  mountain  fastnesses  in  Kweichow,  Kwangsi, 
and  on  the  Tibetan  frontier.  In  these  places  they 
have  persistently  held  themselves  aloof  from  their 
more  powerful  neighbours,  and  though  ordinarily 
peaceful,  have  on  repeated  occasions  been  goaded  by 
oppression  into  taking  up  arms  against  their  tyrants. 
At  the  time  of  which  we  are  speaking  (1863)  they, 
for  some  unexplained  reason,  broke  out  into  revolt, 
and  thus  placed  the  Imperial  forces  in  Yunnan 
between  two  fires.  Another  aspirant  to  leadership, 
named  Liang,  at  the  same  time  raised  the  standard 
of  disaffection  at  a town  called  Lilian  Fu,  and  thus 
further  added  to  the  difficulties  of  the  Imperialists, 
which  were  already  sufficiently  embarrassing.  For 
some  three  or  four  years  this  most  unsatisfactory 
condition  of  affairs  remained  practically  unchanged. 
There  was  fighting  here  and  there,  but  no  distinct 
advantage  was  gained  by  either  side.  Later  on  an 
attack^(i867),  made  by  Ma  on  the  defenders  of  Tali 
Fu,  proved  unsuccessful,  and  he  in  no  way  succeeded 
in  preventing  Tu  from  keeping  open  his  communi- 
cations with  Burma,  from  which  convenient  territory 
he  was  able  to  procure  an  unfailing  supply  of  arms 
and  ammunition  for  the  support  of  his  cause.  But 
after  all  he  was  constrained  to  feel  that  though 
holding  his  own  he  was  not  making  headway,  and  he 
could  not  but  recognise  that  support  from  the  outside 
was  necessary  to  enable  him  to  continue  to  maintain 
a successful  struggle.  He  had  entertained  in  his 


TREACHEROUS  MURDERS 


345 


dominions,  and  had  been  civilly  treated  by,  the 
members  of  an  English  mission  sent  from  Burma  to 
report  upon  the  trading  facilities  which  might  be 
hoped  for  from  Yunnan.  His  thoughts,  therefore, 
naturally  turned  towards  England,  and  he  despatched 
a nephew  to  London  with  directions  to  open  relations 
with  the  English  Government,  in  the  hope  that  they 
might  be  induced  to  lend  their  countenance  to  his 
cause.  It  is  needless  to  say  that  these  overtures 
were  declined.  But  this  was  not  all.  They  indirectly 
had  a most  diastrous  effect  on  the  fortunes  of  the 
rebels,  for  the  Chinese  Government,  alarmed  at  the 
mere  possibility  of  foreign  interference,  determined 
to  crush  once  and  for  all  the  Mohammedan  move- 
ment. Meanwhile  Tu  had  attempted  to  turn  the 
scales  on  his  enemies,  and  had  besieged  Yunnan  Fu. 
The  venture,  however,  proved  unsuccessful,  and  he 
had  again  to  betake  himself  for  shelter  to  the  stout 
walls  of  Tali  Fu.  While  the  Imperial  authorities 
were,  in  that  leisurely  way  which  belongs  to  them, 
gathering  themselves  up  for  the  fatal  spring  upon 
the  Mohammedans,  matters  dragged  on  and  were 
diversified  only  by  petty  engagements,  and  by  the 
treacherous  murder  of  some  rebel  chiefs  who  had 
surrendered  themselves  on  the  usual  understanding 
that  their  lives  would  be  spared.  Like  most  acts  of 
treacherous  cruelty,  this  one  was  both  unwise  and 
uncalled  for.  It  embittered  the  feeling  on  the  part  of 
the  Mohammedans  against  the  Imperialists,  and  dis- 
inclined men  who  were  disposed  to  go  over  to  the 
Emperor’s  generals  to  trust  themselves  to  their  tender 
mercies. 


34^  THE  NIEXFEI  AXD  MOHAMMEDAX  REBELLIOXS 

A large  importation  of  Hunan  soldiers,  commanded 
by  one  of  Tseng  Kwofan’s  lieutenants,  added  greatly 
to  the  Imperial  strength  at  this  time,  and  a forced 
contribution  of  70,000  taels  per  month,  which  was 
contributed  by  six  of  the  other  provinces,  placed  the 
provincial  exchequer  in  a comparatively  flourishing 
condition.  With  these  auxiliary  forces  the  Emperor’s 
cause  began  to  make  way,  and  gradually  the  whole 
province  was  recovered  with  the  exception  of  the  one 
city.  Tali  Fu.  With  an  irresistible  weight  of  numbers 
the  Imperialists  closely  besieged  this  doomed  strong- 
hold, and  it  soon  became  evident  that  it  was  destined 
to  fall  into  their  hands.  In  so  exhausted  and  starv- 
ing a condition  did  the  garrison  become  at  last  that 
Tu  opened  negotiations  for  the  surrender  of  the  town. 
One  wonders  at  the  folly  of  men  who  could  trust  their 
lives  in  the  hands  of  opponents  who  had  in  almost 
every  case  falsified  their  treaty  oaths,  and  had 
slaughtered  without  mercy  those  to  whom  they  had 
promised  life.  But  so  it  was.  Tu  surrendered  him- 
self knowingly  to  death,  the  Imperialists  having 
refused  to  spare  his  life.  But  the  other  chieftains 
encouraged  themselves  to  believe  that  in  their  cases 
the  compact  would  be  kept.  On  the  day  appointed 
for  the  delivery  of  the  city,  Tu  was  carried  through 
the  streets  and  out  to  the  Imperial  camp  in  a sedan- 
chair,  accompanied  with  every  insignia  of  Empire. 
With  impatient  desire  General  IMa  received  this 
equipage,  which,  when  opened,  however,  revealed,  to 
his  disappointment,  that  he  was  possessed  with  but 
the  corpse  of  the  dreaded  chief  Another  version  of 
the  surrender  states  that  Tu,  on  presenting  himself 


MASSACJ?ES  AV  TAL/  FV 


347 


before  the  Commander-in-chief,  asked  for  a cup  of 
cold  water.  This  was  given  him,  and  he  fell  dead 
from  the  effects  of  a poison  which  the  water  had 
suddenly  brought  into  action.  Though  robbed  of  his 
living  victim,  Ma  decapitated  the  corpse,  and  sent  the 
head,  preserved  in  honey,  to  grace  the  palace  of  his 
Imperial  master.  The  usual  events  followed  on  the 
surrender  of  the  city.  The  Mohammedan  leaders 
were  invited  to  a grand  feast,  and  while  yet  they  sat 
at  meat,  a body  of  soldiers  who  had  been  concealed 
in  the  room  rushed  out  on  them  and  cut  them  down 
to  the  last  man.  This  villainy  having  been  effected, 
a further  outrage  was  committed.  At  a given  signal 
the  soldiers  were  let  loose  on  the  inhabitants  of  the 
city.  The  scenes  that  were  there  witnessed  are  not 
to  be  surpassed  in  horror.  The  troops  slaughtered 
their  helpless  victims  until  fatigue  made  it  impossible 
for  them  to  deal  out  further  murders,  and  no  fewer 
than  thirty  thousand  men,  women,  and  children 
perished  in  the  massacre. 

For  seventeen  years  the  province  had  been  deso- 
lated by  the  relentless  wars  of  which  it  had  been  the 
scene,  while  to  add  to  the  horrors  of  the  situation  the 
plague  had  swept  over  whole  districts,  carrying  havoc 
into  the  ranks  of  both  the  rebels  and  their  opponents 
alike.  Up  to  this  day  Yunnan  has  not  recovered 
from  these  fearful  visitations.  Whole  neighbourhoods 
are  still  untenanted  and  the  lands  uncultivated. 
Though  rich  in  minerals,  the  soil  is  not  on  the  whole 
productive,  and  as  the  mandarins  hold  with  a jealous 
care  a monopoly  over  the  mines,  there  is  little  to 
attract  immigrants  into  the  province.  That  as  a 


34^  THE  NIENFEI  AND  MOHAMMEDAN  REBELLIONS 

mining  district  it  has  great  possibilities  there  can  be 
no  doubt,  and  with  the  prospect  of  railway  communi- 
cation with  Burma,  it  may  be  that  a great  future  lies 
before  the  present  unhappy  district. 

It  is  a curious  coincidence  that  while  there  was  no 
kind  of  connection  or  intercommunication  between 
the  Mohammedans  of  Yunnan  and  their  co-religionists 
in  North-western  China,  a wave  of  rebellion  should 
have  swept  over  the  provinces  of  Shensi  and  Kansu 
at  the  same  time  that  Ma  and  Tu  were  raising  the 
standard  of  revolt  in  the  south-west.  At  this  time 
(1857)  the  T’aip’ing  Rebellion  was  so  fully  occupying 
the  attention  of  the  Chinese  Government,  that  they 
were  unable  to  do  more  than  hold  in  check  the 
revolting  followers  of  the  Prophet,  and  it  was  not 
until  five  years  afterwards  that  an  act  of  treachery  on 
the  part  of  the  Chinese  fanned  the  smouldering  ashes 
of  discontent  into  a flame.  The  position  now  required 
more  stringent  measures  than  had  hitherto  been  taken, 
and  two  Chinese  Commissioners  were  despatched  to 
restore  order  in  the  disturbed  districts.  In  an  ill- 
fated  moment  a plot  was  laid  for  the  murder  of  these 
men,  and  while  one  escaped,  the  other  suffered  death 
at  the  hands  of  the  assassins.  The  murderer,  when 
taken,  was  done  to  death  with  the  utmost  refinement 
of  cruelty,  and  a decree  was  issued  by  the  young 
Emperor  T’ungchih  ordering  a general  massacre  of 
all  those  who  should  persist  in  following  the  creed  of 
Islam.  With  considerable  and  unwonted  success  the 
Emperor’s  forces  suppressed  the  rebellion  within  the 
frontier  of  China  proper.  But  beyond  the  great  wall 
stretches  a dreary  waste  as  far  as  Aksu  which  is 


A MONGOLIAN  CAMPAIGN 


349 


dotted  at  distant  and  lonely  intervals  by  cities  held 
in  the  name  of  the  “Son  of  Heaven.”  These  garrisons 
were  mostly  Mohammedan,  and,  infected  with  the 
desire  of  throwing  off  the  Chinese  yoke,  they  broke 
out  into  a simultaneous  revolt.  In  these  wild  districts 
there  are  always  elements  .of  disorder  lying  dormant 
but  ready  to  rise  into  action  at  a moment’s  notice, 
and  on  all  sides  the  pretenders  to  lost  thrones  and 
aspirants  to  chieftainships  took  up  arms  against  the 
paramount  power  in  the  hope  that  in  the  prevailing 
disorder  they  might  be  able  to  satisfy  their  ambitions. 
By  the  surviving  loyal  garrisons  T’ungchih’s  truculent 
order  was,  however,  faithfully  obeyed,  though  in  one 
instance  at  least  the  tables  were  turned  on  the  would- 
be  murderers.  It  had  been  arranged  by  the  Chinese 
garrison  in  Yarkand  that  they  should  at  a given  hour 
put  all  their  Mohammedan  fellow-soldiers  to  the 
sword,  and  this  would  doubtless  have  been  done,  had 
not  the  followers  of  the  Prophet  taken  time  by  the 
forelock  and  risen  against  the  too  dilatory  Chinese. 
At  Khokand  the  last  surviving  son  of  Jehangir,  who 
had  been  Taokwang’s  restless  opponent,  attempted  to 
wrest  from  the  Chinese  the  city  which  he  pretended 
to  regard  as  his  own.  Had  this  man  been  left  to  fight 
his  own  battles  his  career  would  probably  have  been 
a still  shorter  one  than  it  was.  But  with  the  assistance 
of  Yakoob  Khan,  an  able  and  energetic  officer,  he 
succeeded  in  establishing  himself  as  ruler  in  Khokand. 
He  had  no  sooner,  however,  reached  the  pinnacle  of 
his  ambition  than  he  was  deposed  by  Yakoob,  who, 
having  won  the  laurels  of  victory,  thought  himself 
entitled  to  wear  the  crown  of  Empire.  In  the  East 


350  THE  NIEXFEI  AXD  MOHAMMED  AX  REBELLIOXS 

such  acts  of  treachery  receive  no  condemnation  so 
long  as  they  are  successful,  and  Yakoob’s  sovereignty 
received  the  seal  of  general  recognition  by  a solemn 
act  by  which  the  title  of  Athalik  Ghazi,  “The  Champion 
Father,”  was  conferred  on  him  at  the  hands  of  the 
Amir  of  Bokhara.  Unfortunately  for  the  Chinese, 
the  movement  which  had  swept  over  the  wide  regions 
south  of  the  T’ienshan  mountains  spread  into  the 
province  of  Hi,  where  occurred  a repetition  of  all  those 
unspeakable  horrors  which  usually  accompany  Asiatic 
outbreaks.  In  this  case,  however,  the  rebels  and  their 
opponents  came  into  contact  with  a power  which  has 
not  on  all  occasions  shown  itself  friendly  to  the  cause 
of  the  “ Son  of  Heaven.”  For  some  time  Russia 
endured  in  silence  the  local  disturbances  which  broke 
out  across  her  frontier,  and  ignored  the  raids  which 
were  not  unfrequently  made  into  her  territory  by 
flying  rebels  or  retreating  Imperialists.  At  length  the 
disorders  reached  a point,  or  the  Russians  were  good 
enough  to  think  that  they  had  done  so,  when  they 
could  no  longer  be  endured,  and  the  Muscovite 
authorities  gave  formal  notice  to  the  Chinese  Govern- 
ment that  they  were  about  at  once  to  march  in 
and  take  possession  of  the  province  until  such  time 
as  the  Chinese  Government  was  able  effectively 
to  reoccupy  the  territory.  Meanwhile,  the  Chinese 
Government  was  moving  up  troops  preparatory  to  a 
regular  campaign  against  the  rebels  further  south. 
Tso  Chungt’ang,  who  had  served  against  the  T’aip’ings 
with  distinction  and  honour,  was  made  Viceroy  of 
Shensi  and  Kansu,  with  complete  control  over  the 
military  movements.  Fortunately  Tso  was  a man  of 


IMPERIAL  VICTORIES 


351 


proved  ability  and  of  great  steadfastness  of  purpose. 
The  task  before  him  was  one  of  supreme  importance, 
and  practically  meant  the  recovery  to  the  Chinese 
Crown  of  the  whole  of  Central  Asia,  as  well  as  the 
pacification  of  the  two  provinces  over  which  he  was 
directly  called  upon  to  preside.  With  indefatigable 
energy  he  set  about  the  gigantic  undertaking,  and 
was  fortunate  in  the  choice  of  his  subordinate.  General 
Kinshun,  who  throughout  the  campaign  showed 
marked  military  ability.  By  the  end  of  1872  Tso 
had  closely  besieged  the  important  city  of  Suchow, 
which  ultimately  surrendered  to  his  arms.  Having 
achieved  this  success  it  was  arranged  that  he  should 
remain  at  the  base  to  organise  the  expeditionary 
forces,  while  Kinshun  should  march  across  the  dreary 
desert  of  Gobi  which  lies  between  the  frontier  of 
China  Proper  and  Barkul.  Without  meeting  with 
any  serious  resistance  he  captured  that  town,  and 
then,  returning  to  Plami,  succeeded  in  adding  the 
capture  of  that  stronghold  to  his  triumphs.  With  the 
force  at  his  command,  however,  he  felt  unable  to 
advance  further  into  the  rebel  country,  and  in  con- 
junction with  Tso  desired  the  establishment  of  com- 
munications over  the  three  or  four  hundred  miles 

/ 

which  separate  Hami  from  Suchow.  Then  followed 
one  of  those  strange  episodes  which  could  not  occur 
in  any  other  country  in  the  world  except  China. 
Chinese  methods  occasionally  grind  surely,  but  they 
always  grind  slowly,  and  with  the  most  leisurely 
indifference  the  two  chiefs  arranged  that  on  the 
several  oases  in  the  desert  crops  should  be  grown 
for  the  supply  of  the  expedition  which  was  to  be 


352  THE  XIENFEI  AND  MOHAMMEDAN  REBELLIONS 

despatched  into  Central  Asia.  For  the  time  being 
the  soldiers  were  turned  into  farm  labourers.  They 
sowed  their  seed,  they  watered  their  fields,  and  when 
the  autumn  sun  had  ripened  their  crops  they  reaped 
their  harvests.  By  this  time  (1876)  Tso’s  legions 
were  ready  to  advance.  After  a successful  march 
Kinshun’s  troops  appeared  before  Urumtsi,  which  to 
their  surprise  and  relief  surrendered  without  striking 
a blow.  Manas  was  the  next  objective  of  the 
Imperial  forces.  Here  the  defence  was  ably  con- 
ducted, and  it  was  only  by  closely  besieging  the 
walls  that  at  length  the  garrison  was  starved  into 
the  act  of  surrender.  Experience  had  probably 
taught  the  rebels  that  a vanquished  foe  had  no  mercy 
to  expect  from  Chinese  soldiers,  and  when,  therefore, 
the  time  came  to  surrender  the  city,  the  garrison 
marched  out  in  fighting  order,  and  with  their  women 
and  children  enclosed  within  solid  phalanxes  of  men. 
Their  object  in  adopting  this  order  was  obvious,  and 
was  put  beyond  doubt  by  a desperate  charge  which 
they  made  to  force  their  way  through  the  Chinese 
lines.  In  this  they  were  unsuccessful,  and  while  the 
lives  of  the  women  and  children  were  spared  by  the 
special  orders  of  Kinshun,  no  restraining  hand  was 
put  on  the  soldiers  to  prevent  the  slaughter  of  the 
garrison.  From  this  point  onwards  the  Chinese 
triumphed  all  along  the  line,  and  though  Yakoob 
Khan  intervened  on  behalf  of  the  rebels,  he  failed 
utterly  to  turn  back  the  tide  of  war.  After  several 
defeats  this  celebrated  leader  returned  to  Korla, 
where  he  died  from  disease,  or,  as  was  broadly  stated 
at  the  time,  by  a dose  of  poison.  Aksu,  Yarkand, 


THE  T SUNG  LI  YAMEN 


353 


Kashgar,  and  Khoten  fell  before  the  victorious 
Chinese  generals,  who  thus  in  the  year  1878  were 
able  to  report  to  the  Throne  that  the  Emperor  was 
again  master  of  his  own.  Honours  were  showered 
on  the  successful  commanders,  and  Tso  was  admitted 
to  the  Grand  Secretariat,  was  made  a member  of  the 
Tsungli  Yamen,  and  was  promoted  to  be  Viceroy  of 
the  two  Kiang  provinces. 

It  is  necessary  now  to  revert  to  the  period  at  the 
close  of  the  war  of  i860.  In  order  to  make  the 
sequence  of  events  intelligible  it  was  considered 
advisable  to  trace  “ from  the  egg  to  his  apples  ” the 
history  of  the  T’aip’ing  movement  and  the  rebellions 
which  may  be  said  directly  or  indirectly  to  have 
sprung  from  it.  The  system  of  administration  in 
China  is  a very  disjointed  one,  and  events  of  high 
moment  and  concern  may,  and  often  do,  occur  in  one 
part  of  that  unwieldy  Empire,  and  yet  leave  no  trace 
on  the  rest  of  the  country.  The  rebellions  which 
have  been  dealt  with  in  this  chapter  may  be  con- 
sidered in  this  sense  to  be  little  more  than  local 
outbreaks,  and  can  scarcely  be  said  to  have  affected 
the  affairs  at  Peking.  So  soon  as  the  Allies  left  for 
the  south  in  i860  the  Grand  Council  of  State  took 
into  consideration  the  question  of  the  future  manage- 
ment of  foreign  affairs.  Up  to  this  time  the  Govern- 
ment, with  that  contemptuous  disregard  of  everything 
relating  to  the  Outer  Barbarians  which  belongs  to 
them,  had  relegated  the  management  of  foreign 
affairs  to  the  Lifan  Yuan,  or  “ Colonial  Office.” 
That  is  to  say,  European  affairs  were  classed  with 
the  trivial  concerns  of  Mongolian  and  Central  Asian 

24 


354  the  nienfei  and  a/oha  aimed  an  rebellions 

nomads.  The  continuation  of  this  system  was 
plainly  impossible  now  that  relations  with  foreign 
governments  had  become  closer,  and  it  was  deter- 
mined therefore  to  establish  a Bureau,  called  the 
Tsungli  Yamen,  or  “ Yamen  of  General  Superin- 
tendence,” which  should  serve  the  purposes  of  a 


COURTYARD  OF  TSUNGLI  YAMEN  AT  PEKIN. 


Foreign  Office.  Prince  Kung  was  nominated  the 
first  President,  with  Wenhsiang  and  Kweiliang  as 
his  colleagues.  As  the  business  increased  additions 
were  made  to  this  board,  and  at  the  present  time  it 
numbers  eleven  magnates,  who  daily  discuss  foreign 
affairs,  and  do  very  little  else.  Sir  Harry  Parkes 
likened  a visit  to  the  Tsungli  Yamen  to  lowering 


FOREIGN  ARSENAL 


355 


buckets  into  a bottomless  well.  The  first  few  years 
of  T’ungchih’s  reign  passed  quietly  enough,  and  the 
Government  discussed  with  the  Foreign  Ministers, 
who  were  now  established  in  Legations  at  Peking, 
the  means  by  which  they  might  so  strengthen  the 
Empire  as  to  make  it  a really  independent  State. 
Much  good  advice  was  lavished  on  these  occasions, 
and  some  faint  efforts  were  made  to  carry  out  the 
recommendations  given.  The  main  desire  of  the 
Regency  was  to  strengthen  the  army,  and  with  this 
object  drill  books  were  translated  from  English  into 
Chinese,  and  arsenals  were  established  at  Eoochow, 
Nanking,  and  Shanghai.  At  the  first-named  port 
a French  naval  officer,  M.  Giguel,  was  appointed 
Superintendent,  and  at  Nanking  Dr.  Macartney,  now 
Sir  Haliday,  presided  over  the  management.  These 
three  establishments  did  good  work  within  certain 
limits.  But  the  Chinese  military  service  suffers  under 
the  extreme  disability  of  being  a despised  profession, 
and  so  long  as  this  is  the  case  arsenals  may  continue 
to  turn  out  guns,  and  dockyards  may  produce  ships, 
but  the  officers  will  be  always  inefficient  and  the  men 
untrustworthy.  But  the  Chinese  have  from  all  time 
depended  more  on  negotiation  and  diplomacy  to  keep 
their  enemies  from  the  gate  than  on  weapons  of 
defence.  Already  they  had  repented  themselves  that 
they  had  granted  many  of  the  concessions  which  were 
embodied  in  the  treaties,  and  they  at  once  began  to 
whittle  down  the  more  generous  clauses  of  those 
agreements.  The  admission  of  Foreign  Ministers 
into  Peking  was  regarded  as  such  an  enormous 
privilege,  and  the  Chinese  took  every  means  in  their 


356  THE  NIEXFEI  AND  MOHAMMEDAN  REBELLIONS 

power  to  magnify  the  boon,  that  the  first  represen- 
tatives of  the  European  Courts  in  the  capital  were 
overawed  by  the  position  which  they  were  called 
upon  to  occupy,  and  in  response  to  civil  words  and 
pleasant  phrases  from  members  of  the  Tsungli 
Yamen,  showed  a disposition  to  barter  away  the 
rights  acquired  by  their  countrymen.  Among  these 
officials  was  ]\Ir.  Burlingham,  the  re*presentative  of 
the  United  States  of  America.  He  was  a man  of 
considerable  eloquence,  of  an  enthusiastic  tempera- 
ment, and  of  a nature  malleable  by  skilful  treatment. 
In  the  hands  of  Prince  Kung  and  Wenhsiang  he 
was  as  clay  in  the  hands  of  the  potters,  and  while 
readil}'  accepting  their  views  of  the  situation,  believed 
implicitly  in  their  loudly  expressed  desires  for  reform 
in  the  administration  of  the  Empire.  Having 
thorough!}^  indoctrinated  him  with  their  pretended 
opinions  on  these  subjects,  they  invited  him  to  lay 
aside  his  official  position  as  regarded  his  own  country 
and  to  accept  the  role  of  Chinese  IMinister  to  the 
Courts  of  Europe  and  America.  In  this  character 
he  visited  the  capitals  of  the  Western  world,  and 
gained  some  share  of  success  for  the  objects  of  his 
mission,  which  mainly  consisted  of  the  plea  that 
China  should  be  allowed  to  manage  her  own  affairs 
irrespective  of  treaty  obligations  and  foreign  rights. 
Wdiile  this  enthusiastic  env’oy  was  describing  to 
European  listeners  the  wisdom,  tolerance  and 
liberality  of  the  Chinese  officials  and  people,  an 
event  occurred  at  Yangchow,  in  the  province  of 
Kiangsu,  which  shook  the  confidence  of  his  hearers 
in  the  accuracy  of  his  generous  professions.  Mr. 


A RIOT  AT  YANGCHOW 


357 


Hudson  Taylor  the  leading  spirit  in  the  China 
Inland  Mission,  taking  advantage  of  the  clause  in 
the  treaty  which  provided  that  “ since  the  Christian 
religion,  as  professed  by  Protestants  and  Roman 
Catholics,  inculcates  the  practice  of  virtue,  and 
teaches  man  to  do  as  he  would  be  done  by,  persons 
teaching  it  or  professing  it  shall  alike  be  entitled  to 
the  protection  of  the  Chinese  authorities,  nor  shall 
any  such,  peaceably  pursuing  their  calling,  and  not 
offending  against  the  law,  be  persecuted  or  interfered 
with,”  established  himself  at  Yangchow.  It  was 
never  denied  that  he  and  his  people  had  lived 
quietly  with  the  people,  and  the  only  charges  which 
were  brought  against  him  were  the  usual  groundless 
accusations  that  he  and  his  followers  were  in  the 
habit  of  killing  children  and  of  using  their  eyes  and 
hearts  for  medicinal  purposes.  Ridiculous  as  these 
charges  were,  they  found  ready  acceptance  with  the 
mob,  who,  far  from  being  held  in  check  by  the 
mandarins,  were  openly  encouraged  by  them  in  their 
demonstrations  against  the  foreigners.  A Chinese 
mob  is  easily  roused,  and  when  once  aroused  is 
capable  of  great  fury.  In  this  case  they  assaulted 
the  missionaries,  burnt  down  their  houses,  and  drove 
them  from  the  city.  An  immediate  demand  for 
reparation  was  made  by  Mr.  Medhurst,  H.B.M. 
Consul  at  Shanghai,  who  required  that  the  local 
mandarins  should  be  degraded  ; that  certain  Literati 
who  had  instituted  the  riots  should  be  punished  ; 
that  two  thousand  taels  should  be  paid  as  compen- 
sation for  the  wounded  and  ejected  missionaries ; 
that  these  ministers  of  the  gospel  should  be  officially 


358  THE  NIENFEI  AND  MOHAMMEDAN  REBELLION^ 

received  back  ; and  that  a tablet  should  be  erected 
on  which  should  be  inscribed  the  history  of  the  riot, 
with  a declaration  that  foreigners  have  a treaty  right 
to  visit  the  interior  of  the  Empire.  At  this  time 
Tseng  Kwofan,  who  it  will  be  remembered  won  his 
laurels  in  engagements  against  the  T’aip’ings,  was 
Viceroy  of  the  two  Kiang  provinces,  and  so  soon  as 
Mr.  Medhurst’s  terms  were  referred  to  him  he  at 
once  vetoed  the  demands  for  the  punishment  of  the 
Literati  and  for  the  erection  of  the  tablet.  Both  Mr. 
Medhurst  and  Sir  Rutherford  Alcock,  who  was  the 
British  Minister  at  Peking,  had  been  trained  in  the 
pre-Legation-at-Peking  system  of  dealing  with  the 
local  authorities,  and  with  the  full  permission  of  his 
chief,  the  Consul,  quite  in  the  old  and  most  efficacious 
manner,  steamed  up  the  Yangtsze  with  a small  naval 
squadron,  and  anchored  his  ships  opposite  the  walls 
of  Nanking.  The  effect  was  instantaneous,  as  similar 
demonstrations  have  always  proved  with  the  Chinese, 
and  every  condition  was  promptly  complied  with, 
the  only  modification  being  that  the  tablet  which  Mr. 
Medhurst  had  declared  should  be  of  stone  was,  in 
consideration  for  Tseng  Kwofan’s  feelings,  set  up  in 
wood.  At  the  same  time  a proclamation  was  issued 
in  which  the  local  authorities  were  held  up  to  repro- 
bation, the  condign  punishment  of  the  ringleaders 
was  announced,  and  the  Viceroyal  consent  was  given 
to  the  other  terms  of  reparation  proposed.  The 
effect  of  Mr.  Medhurst’s  judicious  treatment  of  the 
emergency  has  since  shown  itself  to  be  lasting  and 
salutary.  Since  the  memorable  day  in  which  he 
entered  Yangchow,  accompanied  by  an  escort  of  four 


MURDER  OF  A FRENCHMAN 


359 


hundred  marines  and  sailors,  the  city  from  having 
been  one  of  the  most  anti-foreign  centres  in  the 
Empire,  has  become  eminently  peaceable  and  law- 
abiding. 

It  is  noticeable  that  the  anti-foreign  outbursts 
which  have  so  frequently  occurred  have  been  generally, 
though  not  always,  accompanied  by  similar  riots  in 
other  parts  of  the  country.  Just  about  this  time 
anti-missionary  rebellions  took  place  in  Formosa,  at 
Swatow,  Foochow,  and  in  the  province  of  Szech’uan, 
where  Pere  Rigaud  was  unfortunately  murdered. 
Following  the  example  set  by  Mr.  Medhurst,  M.  de 
Rochechouart  went  personally  to  the  scene  of  the 
last  outbreak,  and  was  able  successfully  to  arrange 
terms  which  were  satisfactory  both  to  the  Minister 
and  to  the  Government  which  he  represented.  These 
matters  were  scarcely  settled  when  an  outbreak  of 
more  than  usual  violence  occurred  in  Tientsin  (June, 
1870). 


XIII 

THE  CLOSE  OF  T’UNGCHIH’S  REIGN  AND  THE  FIRST 
YEARS  OF  THAT  OF  KWANGHSU. 

For  some  time  ill-will  had  been  manifested  towards 
the  Roman  Catholic  establishments  at  Tientsin,  and 
more  especially  against  the  orphanage  which  had 
been  established  by  Sisters  of  Mercy  ; and  at  the  end 
of  May  an  epidemic,  which  occurred  in  that  establish- 
ment, and  which  proved  especially  fatal,  aroused  the 
popular  feeling  to  frenzy.  There  has  always  been  a 
superstitious  belief  amongst  Chinamen  that  Europeans 
are  in  the  habit  of  using  the  eyes  and  hearts  of 
deceased  infants  for  medicinal  purposes,  and  the 
numerous  deaths  which  occurred  at  this  time  led 
the  ignorant  townspeople  to  give  credence  to  the 
folly.  So  threatening  did  the  mob  become  that  the 
Sisters  thought  it  wise  to  offer  to  allow  a committee 
of  five  from  among  the  rioters  to  examine  the 
premises.  How  far  this  concession  may  have  met 
the  necessities  of  the  case  it  is  difficult  to  say.  But 
the  French  Consul,  deeming  it  an  unworthy  surrender 
to  menace,  repaired  to  the  orphanage  and  drove  the 
committee  of  five  into  the  street.  Against  this  sum- 

360 


THE  TIENTSIN  MASS  A CEE  36 1 

mary  proceeding  the  Chinese  District  Magistrate 
strongly  protested,  and  expressed  fear  that  unless 
some  such  arrangement  were  made  with  the  people 
the  consequences  might  be  serious.  This  threat  was 
speedily  fulfilled,  and  on  the  2 1st  of  June  a surging 
crowd  assembled  around  the  Orphanage.  The  French 
Consul,  recognising  the  stormy  outlook,  hurried 
off  to  Chung  How,  the  Superintendent  of  Foreign 
Trade,  who  was  the  senior  native  authority  on  the 
spot,  and  urged  him  to  take  steps  to  quell  the  mob. 
It  is  said  that  the  Consul  was  in  a “ state  of  excite- 
ment bordering  on  insanity.”  But  however  that  may 
be,  Chung  How  was  either  unwilling  or  unable  to 
act  as  demanded,  and  the  Consul  made  his  way  out 
into  the  mob,  pistol  in  hand.  Accounts  vary  as  to 
what  subsequently  happened.  It  is  said  that  he  fired 
into  the  crowd,  but,  whether  this  be  so  or  not,  it  is 
certain  that  he  was  speedily  knocked  down  and 
beaten  to  death. 

The  mob,  having  once  tasted  blood,  rushed  to  the 
Sisters’  Orphanage,  where  they  murdered  the  unfor- 
tunate ladies,  after  inflicting  on  them  all  kinds  of 
nameless  barbarities.  They  then  set  fire  to  the 
buildings,  having,  however,  had  the  humanity  to 
allow  the  children  to  escape.  In  their  mad  fury  they 
murdered  a Russian  and  his  young  bride,  whom  they 
took  to  be  French,  and  who  were  trying  to  make 
their  escape  to  the  foreign  settlement.  In  all  twenty 
foreigners  were  killed,  and  as  many  more  Chinese 
attendants.  This  fiendish  massacre  was  doubtless 
due  partly  to  ignorance,  but  principally  to  the 
appearance  at  this  time  of  a work  entitled  “ Death 


362  THE  CLOSE  OF  'f  UNGCHIH' S REIGN 

Blow  to  Corrupt  Doctrines,”  which  describes  the 
worship  of  the  Christians  in  terms  so  nearly  identical 
with  those  used  by  Gibbon  in  his  history  of  the  early 
persecutions  at  Rome,  that  we  are  tempted  to  quote 
the  words  of  the  author  of  the  “ Decline  and  Fall  of 
the  Roman  Empire.”  In  the  passage  referred  to 
Gibbon  states  that  the  Christians  “ were  regarded 
as  the  most  wicked  of  human  kind,  who  practised  in 
their  dark  recesses  every  abomination  that  a depraved 
fancy  could  suggest,  and  who  solicited  the  favour  of 
their  unknown  God  by  the  sacrifice  of  every  moral 
virtue.  There  were  many  who  pretended  to  confess 
or  to  relate  the  ceremonies  of  the  abhorred  society. 
It  was  asserted  that  a new-born  infant,  entirely 
covered  over  with  flour,  was  presented,  like  some 
mystic  symbol  of  initiation,  to  the  knife  of  the 
proselyte,  who  unknowingly  inflicted  many  a 
secret  and  mortal  wound  on  the  innocent  victim 
of  his  error  ; and  as  soon  as  the  cruel  deed  was 
perpetrated  the  sectaries  drank  up  the  blood, 
greedily  tore  asunder  the  quivering  members,  and 
pledged  themselves  to  eternal  secrecy  by  a mutual 
consciousness  of  guilt.  It  was  as  confidently  affirmed 
that  this  inhuman  sacrifice  was  succeeded  by  a 
suitable  entertainment,  in  which  intemperance 
served  as  a provocation  to  brutal  lust  ; till  at  the 
appointed  moment,  the  lights  were  suddenly  ex- 
tinguished, shame  was  banished,  nature  was  for- 
gotten ; and,  as  accident  might  direct,  the  darkness 
of  the  night  was  polluted  by  the  commerce  of  sisters 
and  brothers,  of  sons  and  of  mothers.”  Vigorous 
protests  were  made  to  the  Chinese  Government 


WADERS  IMPEACHMENT 


363 


against  the  continued  distribution  of  this  infamous 
work,  and  at  the  same  time  the  Foreign  Ministers 
presented  a united  demand  for  the  punishment  of 
the  ringleaders  of  the  riot,  both  official  and  non- 
official, and  for  compensation  for  the  murders  com- 
mitted. 

At  this  time  Tseng  Kwofan,  who  had  been  pro- 
moted from  the  Viceroyalty  of  the  two  Kiang,  to  the 
same  position  in  the  metropolitan  province,  was 
residing  at  Paoting  Fu,  the  provincial  capital.  By 
Imperial  decree  he  was  appointed,  together  with 
Chung  How,  to  inquire  into  the  circumstances  of  the 
massacre.  But  Tseng  was  getting  old,  and  the  strong 
prejudice  which  he  had  always  exhibited  against 
foreigners  disinclined  him  to  take  any  active  steps  to 
punish  the  perpetrators  of  the  atrocities.  Sir  Thomas 
Wade,  who  at  this  time  represented  England  at 
Peking,  was  not  a man,  however,  tamely  to  submit  to 
be  put  off  by  unsympathetic  officials,  and  on  Tseng 
showing  signs  of  dilatoriness,  he  addressed  a remon- 
strance direct  to  Prince  Kung  in  these  terms.  “ As 
to  the  atrocities  committed,  although  there  is  no 
doubt  about  the  popular  exasperation,  there  is  the 
strongest  reason  to  doubt  that  the  destruction  of  the 
religious  establishments,  and  the  murder  of  their 
occupants,  were  exclusively  the  work  of  the  ignorant 
multitude.  The  chief  actors  in  the  affair  are  stated  to 
have  been  the  fire  brigades,  and  the  banded  villains 
known  as  the  Hunsing  Tzu.  These  were  ready  for 
the  attack,  and  as  soon  as  the  gong  sounded,  fell  in, 
provided  with  deadly  weapons.  They  were  reinforced 
by  soldiers  and  Yamen  followers,  and  conspicuously 


364  the  close  of  ’fuXGCHIH^S  REIGX 

directed  by  a man  with  the  title  of  Titu  (Major- 
General),  the  ex-rebel  Chen  Kwojui.  . . . Yet  after 
more  than  sevent}’  days’  dela)’  what  has  been  done 
towards  the  satisfaction  of  justice  ? Some  few  of  the 
lower  class  of  criminals  have  been  arrested,  the  more 
important  of  these  not  having  been  discoverable  until 
their  names  and  their  whereabouts  were  supplied  by 
the  French  Legation.  The  guilty  magistrates  were 
left  for  twent}'  days  after  the  massacre  at  their  posts, 
their  energies  being  devoted  throughout  that  period, 
not  to  the  detection  of  persons  guilty  of  a share  in 
the  crime,  but  to  the  examination  under  torture  of 
unfortunate  Christians,  from  whom  it  was  hoped  that 
confessions  might  be  extorted  in  such  a form  as 
to  tell  favourably  for  their  persecutors.  . . . The 
common  people,  seeing  no  punishment  inflicted  on 
any  one,  persuaded  themselves  that  the  massacre  was 
a meritorious  act.  Songs  are  sung  in  honour  of  it,  and 
paintings  of  it  are  circulated  representing  officials  as 
approving  spectators  of  the  crime.  ...  I must  add,  in 
conclusion,  what  it  will  give  }’Our  Imperial  Highness 
little  pleasure  to  read,  as  little  certainly  as  to  myself 
to  write ; but  the  occasion  requires  that  I should 
speak  out.  It  is  very  generally  believed  that,  although 
your  Imperial  Highness  and  the  wiser  of  your  col- 
leagues are  opposed  to  any  policy  that  would  involve 
a rupture  with  foreign  Powers,  there  are  other  leading 
men  in  China  whose  dream  is  the  expulsion  of  the 
Barbarian,  and  who,  if  they  were  not  the  immediate 
instigators  of  the  movement  of  the  21st  of  June,  have 
heartily  approved  its  atrocities  ; have  exerted  them- 
selves to  prevent  the  punishment  of  the  guilty  parties, 


LI  HUNGCHANG  AT  TIENTSIN 


365 


official  and  non-official ; and  are  even  now  urging  on 
the  Central  Government  the  expediency  of  directing  a 
like  murderous  enterprise  against  all  foreigners  that 
may  be  found  on  Chinese  ground.” 

This,  and  other  remonstrances  from  Sir  Thomas 
Wade’s  colleagues  at  Peking,  at  length  compelled  the 
Government  to  take  action,  but  at  the  same  time  it 
was  generally  acknowledged  that  the  continuance  of 
Tseng  Kwofan  in  his  existing  post  stood  as  a bar  to 
the  satisfaction  of  the  foreign  demands.  It  so  hap- 
pened that  at  this  juncture  the  Viceroy  of  the  twoKiang 
provinces  was  murdered  by  a fanatic  in  the  streets  of 
Nanking,  and  the  opportunity  was  seized  upon,  there- 
fore, of  transferring  Tseng  to  this  thus  vacated  office, 
and  of  bringing  Li  Hungchang  from  Hukwang  to  the 
metropolitan  province.  “ We  command  Li  Plung- 
chang,”  so  ran  the  Imperial  Edict,  “who  has  been 
translated  to  the  Viceroyalty  of  Chihli,  to  proceed 
post  to  Tientsin,  there,  in  concert  with  Tseng  Kwofan, 
Ting  Jihch’ang,  and  Cheng  Lin,  to  conduct  the 
inquiry  still  open,  and  take  the  necessary  action.  . . . 
Respect  this.”  Though  thus  commanded  to  act  in 
concert  with  his  colleagues,  a free  hand  was  practically 
given  to  Li,  who  at  once,  taking  a firm  grip  of  the 
situation,  gave  the  people  of  Tientsin  plainly  to 
understand  that  any  recrudescence  of  the  anti-foreign 
agitation  would  be  sternly  repressed.  Under  this  new 
regime  the  investigations  proceeded  apace,  with  the 
result  that  the  Prefect  and  District  Magistrate  were 
sentenced  to  banishment  to  Manchuria ; that  twenty 
of  the  rioters  were  condemned  to  death ; and  that 
twenty-one  were  consigned  to  banishment.  It  is 


366  THE  CLOSE  OF  'f  UNGCHIH' S REIGN 

always  difficult  to  estimate  the  real  value  of  such  a 
sentence  as  that  passed  on  the  culpable  officials.  It 
not  unfrequently  happens  that  in  response  to  foreign 
pressure  a mandarin  is  removed  from  a post,  and 
ostensibly  degraded,  while  in  fact  he  may  only  be 
moved  to  an  office  of  greater  honour  and  emolument, 
and  a certain  amount  of  doubt  must  always  rest  on 
the  just  identification  of  rioters,  who  are  offered  up  on 


THE  COURTYARD  OF  AX  IXX  IX  MAXCHURIA. 

the  execution  ground  to  propitiate  outraged  foreign 
feeling.  Cases  have  happened  of  prisoners,  who  have 
been  condemned  for  other  crimes,  being  executed  to 
satisfy  the  numerical  balance  of  victims  to  be  punished 
for  murders  committed.  In  this  instance,  however, 
no  doubt  seems  to  have  arisen  about  the  guilt  of  six- 
teen of  the  malefactors,  and  these  were  therefore 
executed  on  the  i8th  of  October,  1870.  Thecircum- 


EXECUTION!  OF  CRIMINALS 


367 


stances,  however,  which  attended  their  decapitation 
were  such  as  to  show  that  they  were  rather  re- 
garded as  martyrs  in  a holy  cause  than  as  criminals 
guilty  of  heinous  crimes.  In  a report  to  Sir  Thomas 
Wade  the  Consul  on  the  spot  thus  describes  the 
scene  : “ About  two  hundred  police  and  soldiers 
escorted  them  (the  criminals)  from  the  jail  to  the 
magistrate’s  court  room,  where  they  were  marshalled, 
sixteen  in  all.  None  of  them  would  kneel  to  be  bound 
when  ordered  to  do  so.  They  were  all  dressed  in  what 
is  everywhere  stated  to  be  a Government  present, 
viz.,  new  silk  clothes,  and  wore  on  their  feet  shoes 
of  elegant  manufacture.  Their  hair  was  dressed  after 
the  female  fashion,  in  various  modes  ; and  ornaments 
such  as  those  seen  on  the  heads  of  Chinese  ladies  were 
stuck  in  their  head-dresses.”  The  Russian  Ambassa- 
dor not  being  satisfied  that  the  four  men  charged  with 
the  murder  of  his  compatriots  were  really  guilty  of 
the  crime  laid  to  their  charge,  secured  them  a reprieve, 
which  resulted  in  two  being  sent  into  banishment,  and 
the  remaining  two  following  their  associates  to  the 
execution  ground.  Subsequent  inquiry  proved  that 
the  sentence  on  the  prefect  and  magistrate  was  of 
the  illusory  nature  common  to  such  cases.  Instead 
of  going  on  a weary  journey  to  Manchuria  they  were 
allowed  to  return  to  the  bosom  of  their  families, 
where  no  doubt  they  received  the  ovations  which  are 
commonly  lavished  on  patriots. 

The  Titu,  Chen  Kwojui,  of  whom  Sir  Thomas 
Wade  spoke,  was  a veritable  stormy  petrel.  His 
career  had  been  chequered  by  many  vicissitudes.  He 
had  begun  life  as  a T’aip’ing  rebel,  and  had  deserted 


368  THE  CLOSE  OF  'f  UNGCHIh' S REIGN 

the  banners  which  had  sheltered  him  for  the  Imperial 
ranks  in  return  for  promotion  and  increased  pay.  His 
hatred  of  foreigners  amounted  almost  to  a mania,  and 
his  presence  in  the  same  town  with  Europeans  was 
invariably  the  precursor  of  riots  and  disturbances.  It 
is  said  that  an  accident  led  him  to  visit  Tientsin  at 
the  moment  of  the  outbreak  and  certain  it  is  that  he 
led  on  the  mob  to  the  attack.  Being  a persona  grata 
with  the  Powers  at  Peking  he  was  carefully  shielded 
from  all  harm,  and  the  utmost  step  that  Sir  Thomas 
Wade  could  persuade  the  Tsungli  Yamen  to  take, 
was  to  send  him  back  to  Nanking  and  there  to  place 
him  under  surveillance.  They  agreed,  however,  to 
pay  the  sum  of  400,000  taels  to  France  as  compen- 
sation for  the  murder  of  the  Sisters  of  Mercy,  and 
consented  to  despatch  Chung  How  on  a special 
embassy  to  Paris  to  express  the  regret  of  the  Govern- 
ment for  the  murderous  outbreak.  It  will  be  remem- 
bered that  Chung  How  was  the  presiding  mandarin 
at  the  time  of  the  massacre,  and  it  was  therefore 
peculiarly  fitting  and  proper  that  his  should  be  the 
lips  to  utter  the  apologies  and  regrets. 

The  excitement  which  had  been  stirred  up  in  con- 
nection with  the  missionary  question  by  these  events 
was  by  no  means  confined  to  Tientsin  and  the  neigh- 
bourhood, but  was  widely  spread  over  many  parts  of 
the  country.  Distinct  evidence  had  been  furnished 
that  this  unrest  was  fomented,  as  Sir  Thomas  Wade 
had  pointed  out,  by  some  of  the  highest  officers  of 
state,  and  the  occasion  was  characteristically  seized 
upon  by  the  Tsungli  Yamen  to  attempt  to  minimise 
the  Treaty  rights  as  regarded  the  teaching  of  Christ- 


THE  MISSIONARY  DIFFICULTY 


369 


ianity.  With  this  view  the  Yamen  drew  up  eight 
articles  for  the  regulation  of  missionary  undertakings, 
and  enclosed  them  in  a letter  addressed  to  the  various 
foreign  Legations,  which  in  each  case  ran  as  follows  : 

“ Sir, — In  relation  to  the  missionary  question,  the 
members  of  the  Foreign  Office  are  apprehensive  lest 
in  their  efforts  to  manage  the  various  points  connected 
with  it,  they  should  interrupt  the  good  relations  exist- 
ing between  this  and  other  Governments,  and  have 
therefore  drawn  up  several  rules  upon  the  subject. 
These  are  now  enclosed,  with  an  explanatory  minute,, 
for  your  examination,  and  we  hope  that  you  will 
take  them  into  careful  consideration.” 

Sufficient  comprehensiveness  cannot  be  denied  to 
these  eight  articles,  which,  briefly  stated,  were  “ that 
foreign  orphanages  should  be  abolished  ; that  women 
should  not  be  allowed  to  enter  the  churches,  nor 
Sisters  of  Charity  to  live  in  China  ; that  missionaries 
must  conform  to  the  laws  and  customs  of  China,  and 
must  submit  themselves  to  the  authority  of  the 
Chinese  magistrates  ; that  since  the  individuals  who 
commit  disorders  ordinarily  belong  to  the  lowest  class 
of  the  people,  accusations,  in  case  of  riots,  must  not  be 
brought  against  the  Litei'ati ; and  that  before  a man  be 
permitted  to  become  a Christian,  he  must  be  examined 
as  to  whether  he  had  undergone  any  sentence  or  com- 
mitted any  crime.”  These  articles  were  so  palpably 
contrary  to  the  spirit  of  the  treaty,  that  the  ministers 
one  and  all  declined  to  entertain  the  consideration 
of  them  for  a moment,  and  matters  were  allowed  to 

25 


370  THE  CLOSE  OF  t'uNGCHIh' S REIGN 

revert  to  the  status  quo  ante.  The  Chinese  have 
always  shown  themselves  singularly  tolerant  of  faiths 
other  than  their  own,  more  especially  when  the  new 
religions  are  professed  only  by  strangers  and  are  not 
of  a proselytising  nature.  They  have  allowed  Moham- 
medans to  live  in  their  midst  and  to  hold  offices  of 
all  ranks,  without  imposing  on  them  the  slightest 
disability,  and  it  is  only  when  native  converts  decline 
to  fall  in  to  the  popular  customs,  and  to  take  part  in 
the  national  festivals  which  mark  the  seasons  of  the 
years,  that  they  come  into  collision  with  their  fellow- 
countrymen.  In  China,  as  in  other  polytheistic 
countries,  innumerable  deities  are  closely  interwoven 
with  all  business  and  pleasure,  and  with  every  act  of 
public  and  private  life.  To  renounce  these  gods  and 
goddesses  is  therefore  to  interfere  with  every  custom 
and  practice  of  society.  It  is  held  impossible  for 
Christians  to  take  part  or  lot  in  any  matters  polluted 
by  the  stain  of  idolatry,  and  with  holy  horror  they 
decline  to  subscribe  to  the  celebration  of  the  high 
days  and  festivals  which  are  kept  at  the  solstices,  the 
opening  of  spring,  and  other  public  holidays  in  the 
year.  All  this  places  them  in  antagonism  with  their 
fellow-citizens.  But  the  mandarins  have  a still  more 
definite  cause  of  complaint  when  native  Christians, 
who  are  accused  of  crimes,  enlist  the  advocacy  of  the 
missionaries  in  the  native  courts.  The  existence  in 
their  midst  of  congregations  which  observe  rights  and 
ceremonies  apart  from  those  practised  by  the  people 
at  large,  gives  rise  to  much  ill-feeling,  and  one  can 
only  admire  the  courage  and  self-sacrifice  of  those  men 
and  women  who,  knowing  the  dangers  to  which  they 


THE  CHOICE  OF  AN  IMPERIAL  BRIDE  3/1 

are  exposed,  devote  their  lives  to  the  dissemination 
of  the  doctrines  of  Christ  in  the  midst  of  a hostile 
population.  From  the  nature  of  the  case  it  is  inevit- 
able that  offences  will  come,  and  so  long  as  Christ- 
ianity is  represented  by  a small  struggling  minority, 
vve  must  expect  persecutions  and  troubles  to  arise. 

While  all  these  matters  were  disturbing  the  counsels 
of  the  Government,  the  Emperor  was  growing  in 
years,  and  in  1872  he  had  reached  the  time  of  life 
(sixteen)  when,  according  to  Chinese  ideas,  he  should 
take  to  himself  an  Empress.  The  event  was  one  of 
momentous  national  importance,  and  vast  prepara- 
tions were  made  to  secure  the  selection  of  a fitting 
consort  for  so  lofty  a monarch.  By  the  dynastic 
rules  it  is  laid  down  that  the  Empress  shall  always  be 
a Manchu  by  race  and  the  daughter  of  a member  of 
one  of  the  eight  military  banners.  Apart  from  these 
conditions  there  is  nothing  to  prevent  the  daughter 
of  a Manchu  private  from  being  raised  to  the 
“ Dragon  Throne.”  Custom  forbids  that  an  Imperial 
bridegroom,  any  more  than  bridegrooms  of  lower 
degree,  should  even  see  his  bride  before  the  wedding 
night,  and  it  was  plainly  impossible,  therefore,  that 
His  Majesty  T’ungchih  should  take  any  personal 
part  in  the  selection.  This  duty  devolved  by  neces- 
sity on  the  Dowager  Empresses,  and  in  their  zeal  for 
the  Emperor’s  happiness  they  threw  a wide  net  over 
all  the  eligible  young  ladies  in  the  country.  The 
position  of  the  Empress  has  so  many  disabilities  that 
it  is  not  sought  after  with  the  eagerness  that  might 
be  expected,  and  it  is  said  that  a number  of  young 
ladies  affect  a limp,  or  a hunch  back,  or  some  other 


372 


THE  CLOSE  OF  T^UXGCHIH's  REIGN 


deformity,  in  order  to  escape  from  the  Imperial 
honour.  In  this  case,  however,  between  six  and 


A MAXCHU  s\vp:etmkat-seller. 

seven  hundred  Manchu  maidens  were  brought  to 
the  palace  for  the  Empresses’  inspection.  By  a. 


NUPTIAL  CEREMONIES 


373 


process  of  elimination  these  great  ladies,  in  some 
weeks,  reduced  the  number  to  two,  and  finally  their 
choice  fell  on  a young  lady  named  Ahluta.  The 
father  of  this  damsel  was  a man  of  distinction,  having 
taken  the  highest  literary  honours  obtainable  at  the 
competitive  examinations,  and  had  imparted,  so  it 
was  said,  some  of  his  learning  to  the  future  Empress. 

So  soon  as  the  choice  was  made  preparations  were 
begun  for  the  ceremony,  and  as  a preliminary  step 
the  Astronomical  Board  was  called  upon  to  determine 
by  the  stars  the  day  and  hour  which  would  present 
the  most  felicitous  moment  for  the  august  union. 
Meanwhile,  in  preparation  for  the  duties  of  his  new 
state,  four  young  ladies,  known  as  Professors  of 
Matrimony,  were  introduced  into  the  Emperor’s 
Palace,  who,  as  was  generally  reported,  satisfactorily 
performed  their  vicarious  7'dles  until  the  arrival  of 
Ahluta.  The  midnight  of  October  i6,  1872,  was 
the  time  chosen  for  the  ceremony,  and  for  days 
beforehand  countless  processions  passed  from  the 
bride’s  home  to  the  palace  bearing  her  trousseaji 
and  belongings.  The  road  leading  to  the  palace 
was  made  smooth,  and,  to  mark  the  occasion,  was 
thickly  covered  with  sand  of  the  Imperial  yellow 
colour.  On  the  day  preceding  the  wedding  high 
officials  bore  in  solemn  state  a tablet  of  gold  con- 
stituting Ahluta  Empress,  together  with  a sceptre 
and  a seal,  which  they  presented  to  the  lady  ; and  at 
the  hour  appointed  the  bridal  procession  left  for  the 
palace  attended  by  a large  sprinkling  of  State  officials 
with  escorts  and  aides-de-camp.  As  it  was  essential 
that  Ahluta  should  reach  the  palace  at  the  exact 


^^4  czos£  OF  t'ungchih's  reign 

moment  prescribed  by  the  Astronomical  Board,  a 
member  of  that  learned  body  walked  by  the  side 
of  the  bridal  chair  with  a burning  joss-stick  in  his 
hand,  which  was  so  arranged  as  to  mark  the  progress 
of  time.  The  result  was  satisfactory,  and  the  Emperor 
had  the  pleasure  of  receiving  his  consort  neither 
before  nor  after  the  felicitous  instant  which  had  been 
proclaimed.  Following  this  great  lady  came  four 
other  young  maidens  who  were  destined  to  play  the 
part  in  the  Imperial  harem  of  secondary  wives  of 
the  first  rank.  By  the  laws  of  the  Empire  the 
Emperor  is  entitled  to  fill  his  cup  of  felicity  with 
four  ladies  of  the  first  grade,  twenty-seven  of  the 
second,  and  eighty-one  of  the  third.  T’ungchih, 
however,  contented  himself  with  the  first  arrivals, 
and  probably  it  was  well  for  him  that  he  did  so. 

The  marriage  of  an  Emperor  of  China  is  always 
held  to  announce  his  arrival  at  years  of  discretion, 
and  is  therefore  equivalent  to  coming  of  age  amongst 
ourselves.  With  the  advent  of  an  Empress  to  share 
his  throne  the  Regency  disappears,  and  the  Emperor 
is  acknowledged  to  be,  theoretically,  a fit  and  proper 
person  to  govern  his  immense  Empire,  and  to  exer- 
cise rule  over  the  four  hundred  million  subjects  who 
obey  his  will.  Among  the  duties  which  T’ungchih’s 
new  position  imposed  upon  him  was  that  of  holding 
communication  with  the  ministers  of  the  Treaty 
Powers.  This  obligation  his  father  had  accepted  by 
the  terms  of  the  treaty  of  1858,  but  by  his  judiciously 
timed  retreat  to  Jehol  he  had  successfully  avoided 
carrying  it  out.  The  long  minority  of  T’ungchih 
had  further  placed  in  abeyance  the  question  of 


THE  AUDIENCE  QUESTION 


375 


Imperial  audiences — a delay  for  which  the  Tsungli 
Yamen  was  profoundly  grateful.  The  question  had 
always  been  a thorny  one.  The  idea  of  any  repre- 
sentative of  a foreign  State  entering  the  Imperial 
presence  without  striking  his  forehead  on  the  floor 
was  so  preposterous  in  the  eyes  of  the  mandarins 
that  they  resisted  the  introduction  of  all  discussion 
on  the  subject  so  long  as  they  were  able.  But  the 
time  had  now  come  when  it  had  again  to  be  faced. 
They  were  perfectly  aware  that  the  k’ot’ow  would 
have  to  be  given  up.  But  though  thus  driven 
from  their  first  entrenchment  they  were  prepared 
strenuously  to  defend  every  succeeding  line.  Lord 
Macartney  had  bent  the  knee  on  entering  the 
presence  of  Ch’ienlung.  They  pleaded,  therefore, 
that  foreign  ministers  should  follow  this  notable 
example.  The  foreign  ministers,  however,  pointed 
to  the  treaty,  in  which  it  was  laid  down  that  no 
minister  “ should  be  called  upon  to  perform  any 
ceremony  derogatory  to  him  as  representing  the 
Sovereign  of  an  independent  nation  on  a footing 
of  equality  with  that  of  China,”  and  explained  that 
to  bend  the  knee  would  obviously  be  to  perform  a 
derogatory  ceremony.  This  answer  was  conclusive, 
and  it  was  finally  agreed  that  whenever  it  should 
please  the  Emperor  to  grant  an  audience  to  the 
foreign  ministers  they  should  be  expected  only  to 
bow  thrice  on  entering  the  Imperial  presence. 

In  June,  1873,  the  Emperor  was  moved  to  receive 
the  ministers  in  solemn  audience.  It  was  reported 
at  the  time  that  this  determination  was  mainly  due 
to  curiosity  on  the  part  of  T’ungchih,  who  was 


3/6  THE  CLOSE  OF  T'UNGCHIH's  REIGN 

desirous  of  seeing  what  sort  of  men  the  Envoys 
were  who  had  come  from  so  great  a distance  to 
his  Court.  But  however  that  may  be,  on  the  15th 
of  the  month  an  edict  appeared,  couched  in  the 
following  terms:  “ The  Tsungli  Yamen  having  pre- 
sented a Memorial  to  the  effect  that  the  foreign 

O 

ministers  residing  in  Peking  have  implored  us  to 
grant  an  audience  that  they  may  deliver  letters 
from  their  Governments,  We  command  that  the 
foreign  ministers  residing  in  Peking,  who  have 
brought  letters  from  their  Governments,  be  accorded 
audience.  Respect  this.”  The  tone  of  this  decree 
was  not  of  hopeful  augury.  There  was  a dictatorial 
and  discourteous  air  about  it  which,  whether  due  to 
ignorance  or  impertinence,  was,  to  say  the  least, 
unfortunate.  Its  appearance,  however,  put  the 
Tsungli  Yamen  in  a flutter,  and  for  ten  days  a brisk 
discussion  was  carried  on  with  the  Legations  as  to  the 
etiquette  which  was  to  be  observed  on  the  occasion. 

In  a land  such  as  China,  where  etiquette  is  the 
very  breath  of  the  nostrils  of  the  officials,  any  modifi- 
cation in  ceremonial  practice,  however  trifling  it  may 
appear  to  Europeans,  is  regarded  as  being  of  vital 
importance.  The  mandarins  had  been  obliged  to 
yield  the  points  of  the  k’ot’ow  and  the  genuflexion, 
but  there  still  remained  to  them  the  possibility  of 
humiliating  the  ministers  by  inducing  them  to  make 
their  bows  in  a hall  where  it  is  customary  for  the 
Emperor  to  receive  the  envoys  of  tributary  states. 
This  hall,  the  Tzukwang  Ko,  or  “ Pavilion  of  Purple 
Light,”  is  situated  outside  the  palace,  and  is,  as  the 
native  guide-books  tell  us,  the  place  where  New-Year 


IN  HIS  IMPERIAL  PRESENCE 


377 


receptions  are  granted  to  the  outer  tribes,  and  where 
wrestling  and  military  exercises  are  performed  for 
the  amusement  of  the  Emperor.  All  this  must  have 
been  perfectly  well  known  to  the  foreign  ministers, 
who  were,  however,  so  elated  at  the  idea  of  entering 
the  presence  of  the  “ Son  of  Heaven  ” that  they 
agreed  to  accept  the  slur  implied  by  the  choice  of 
the  building.  The  29th  of  June  was  the  day  fixed 
for  the  ceremony,  and  the  time  determined  by  the 
Emperor  was  the  very  inconvenient  hour  of  six 
o’clock  in  the  morning.  Etiquette  entailed  upon 
the  ministers  the  necessity  of  being  in  readiness 
even  still  earlier.  On  arriving  at  the  palace  grounds 
the  six  ministers,  representing  England,  France, 
America,  Russia,  the  Netherlands,  and  Japan,  were 
escorted  to  the  “ Palace  of  Seasonableness,”  a temple 
in  which  the  Emperor  is  accustomed  to  pray  for  rain. 
Here  light  refreshments  were  offered  to  their  expect- 
ing Excellencies,  and  after  half  an  hour  had  been 
wasted  in  the  consumption  of  confectionery  and  tea 
the  envoys  were  conducted  to  a large  tent  pitched 
near  the  “ Pavilion  of  Purple  Light.”  A delay  of  an 
hour  and  a half  was  here  endured,  and  at  last  the 
Japanese  Ambassador,  in  virtue  of  his  ambassadorial 
rank,  was  summoned  to  the  presence.  So  soon  as 
this  official  was  dismissed  the  Western  ministers  were 
admitted  into  the  hall,  at  the  end  of  which  T’ungchih 
was  discovered,  seated  cross-legged,  after  the  Manchu 
fashion,  on  a raised  dais  surrounded  by  princes  and 
ministers  of  State.  In  accordance  with  the  pre- 
arranged programme,  the  ministers  advanced  bow- 
ing, and  an  address  in  Chinese  having  been  read. 


3/8  THE  CLOSE  OF  T’uNGCHIH's  REIGN 

Prince  Kung  fell  on  his  knees  and  went  through  the 
form  of  receiving  the  return  message  vouchsafed  by 
the  Emperor.  Charged  with  the  weighty  words  of 
the  “ Son  of  Heaven,”  he  rose  and  descended  the 
steps  from  the  dais  with  his  arms  extended  in  imi- 
tation of  the  way  in  which  Confucius,  that  great 
master  of  make-believe,  used  to  practise  leaving 
the  presence  of  his  Sovereign  as  though  in  a state 
of  agitation  and  alarm.  The  ministers  then,  having 
placed  their  letters  of  credence  on  the  table  which 
stood  before  His  Imperial  IMajesty,  made  their  bows 
and  retired  d reculo7is. 

The  whole  history  of  this  ceremony,  like  that  of 
most  of  our  dealings  with  the  Chinese,  is  a signal 
example  of  the  glamour  which  the  Celestials  have 
ever  succeeded  in  throwing  over  their  pretensions  in 
the  eyes  of  Europeans.  The  chief  blot  in  our  policy 
with  China  up  till  the  Japanese  War  has  been  the 
half-concealed  admission  that  we  were  in  China 
purely  on  benevolent  sufferance.  In  the  relations 
between  ourselves  and  the  mandarins  we  have  in  all 
cases  been  the  suppliants,  and  they  the  dispensers 
of  privileges.  Their  haughty  attitude  of  stand-off- 
wardness  has  in  these  circumstances  had  its  effect, 
and  our  communications  with  them  have  been  too 
often  marked  by  undue  deference.  The  attitude  of 
our  Government  towards  Li  Hungchang  during  his 
recent  visit  to  this  country  was  an  instance  in  point. 
Neither  his  official  position  nor  his  private  character 
entitled  him  in  any  way  to  the  adulation  which  was 
shown  him,  and  which  he,  after  the  manner  of 
Orientals,  repaid  by  acts  of  grave  discourtesy. 


OFPICIA  L IMPER  TINENCE 


379 


Nevertheless,  these  last  were  entirely  overlooked  by 
a mistaken  consideration,  and  he  doubtless  left  our 
shores  satisfied  that  his  countrymen  are  correct  when 
they  hold  that  we  are  but  hangers-on  to  the  Imperial 
bounty  of  the  “ Son  of  Heaven  ” and  his  ministers. 
That  the  reception  of  the  foreign  ministers  by 
T’ungchih  was  a step  in  the  right  direction  there 
can  be  no  doubt,  but  it  is  also  plain  that  a mistake 
was  made  in  consenting  to  accept  the  “ Pavilion  of 
Purple  Light  ” as  the  scene  of  the  ceremony.  The 
remark  made  by  a member  of  the  Tsungli  Yamen  to 
one  of  the  foreign  ministers,  that  “ The  princes  who 
waited  on  the  Emperor  had  been  surprised  and 
pleased  at  the  demeanour  of  himself  and  his  col- 
leagues,” effectively  displayed  the  patronising  attitude 
which  the  mandarins  chose  to  adopt  on  the  occasion, 
and  to  which  we  unfortunately  submitted. 

Though  for  the  nonce  the  foreign  relations  of  the 
Empire  were  at  this  time  peaceful,  the  internal  affairs 
of  the  country  were  far  from  being  undisturbed.  The 
rebellion  which  had  decimated  the  province  of  Yunnan 
for  so  many  years  had  been,  it  is  true,  brought  to 
a conclusion  by  the  surrender  of  Tali  Fu.  But  the 
country  was  left  desolate.  The  ravages  of  both  the 
insurgents  and  the  Imperial  forces  had  robbed  the 
surviving  wretched  inhabitants  of  everything  that 
makes  life  worth  having,  while  disease  and  famine 
carried  off  thousands  of  those  who,  as  by  a miracle, 
had  survived  the  sword.  In  response  to  an  appeal 
from  the  distressful  country  the  Emperor  remitted  all 
the  taxes  due  up  to  date,  and  by  gifts  of  land  and 
other  inducements  attempted  to  entice  yeomen  from 


380  THE  CLOSE  OF  t'uNGCHIH' S REIGN 

the  neighbouring  provinces  to  take  up  the  deserted 
farms.  The  success  of  these  efforts  was  only  partial, 
and  to  this  day  the  province  bears  traces  of  the  iron 
heel  of  the  IMohammedans.  In  the  north-western 
provinces  of  Kansu  and  Shensi  legislative  endeavours 
were  made  to  restore  to  those  districts  some  glimpse 
of  their  former  prosperity,  and  it  is  amusing  to  find, 
in  the  light  of  recent  experience,  that  the  military 
authorities  could  suggest  nothing  better  for  the 
preservation  of  the  peace  of  the  provinces  than  that 
the  army,  which  had  apparently  been  allowed  to 
revert  to  civil  life,  should  be  mustered  again  and 
armed  with  bows  and  arrows.  Xot  only,  however, 
had  the  troops  become  disorganised,  but  according  to 
the  Literary  Chancellor  of  the  Viceroyalty,  the  civil 
population  was  suffering  demoralisation  from  the 
suspension  of  the  competitive  examinations,  and  with 
all  the  weight  of  his  authority  he  went  on  to  recom- 
mend, in  the  pages  of  the  Pekhig  Gazette,  that  these 
should  be  resumed,  and,  if  this  should  be  done,  he 
did  “ not  despair  of  the  Book  of  Poetry  having  its 
duly  mollifying  effect  on  the  manners  of  the  people.” 
The  same  implicit  faith  in  the  humanising  tendency 
of  this  ancient  work  was,  according  to  the  same 
periodical,  held  at  this  time  by  the  Governor  of 
Canton,  who  suggested  that  a dissemination  of  its 
classic  verses  would  be  a fit  and  proper  remedy  for 
the  clan  fights  which  were  then  (1873)  disturbing  the 
peace  of  his  province. 

While  these  matters  were  claiming  the  attention  of 
the  Imperial  Government  a despatch  from  Li  Han- 
chang,  a brother  of  our  late  visitor,  announced  the 


A DIFFICULTY  WITH  JAPAN  38 1 

outbreak  of  a rebellion  in  Hunan,  and  at  the  same 
time  the  Yellow  River,  “China’s  Sorrow,”  burst  its 
banks  and  flooded  thousands  of  square  miles  of 
territory. 

Before  the  year  closed  a cloud  arose  on  the  Eastern 
sea  which  seriously  threatened  a foreign  war.  Japan 
had  long  had  grievances  against  her  huge  neighbour, 
and  like  other  foreign  Powers  had  found  unassisted 
diplomacy  inadequate  to  extract  the  reparation 
which  was  due.  On  repeated  occasions  shipwrecked 
Japanese  sailors  had  been  cruelly  put  to  death  by  the 
inhabitants  of  the  Island  of  Formosa.  For  these 
outrages  the  Chinese  declared  themselves  unable  to 
make  any  compensation,  or  to  apply  any  remedy. 
In  these  circumstances  the  Japanese  landed  a force 
on  the  island,  and  despatched  a special  envoy  to 
Peking  to  make  a final  attempt  at  arriving  at  a 
peaceful  solution  of  the  difficulty.  In  presence  of 
these  energetic  measures  the  Chinese  were  disposed 
to  yield,  but  they  did  so  with  an  ill  grace.  They 
admitted  their  liability  but  declined  to  name  any 
fixed  sum  which  should  be  paid,  or  any  date  as  to 
when  it  should  become  due.  This  attitude  was  so 
eminently  unsatisfactory  that  the  Japanese  envoy 
had  no  other  course  to  pursue  than  to  prepare  to 
leave  Peking,  and  was  on  the  point  of  taking  his 
departure  when  Sir  Thomas  Wade  intervened  as  a 
mediator  between  the  disputants,  and  prevented  a 
breach  of  the  peace  by  making  himself  personally 
responsible  for  the  payment  of  the  500,000  taels 
demanded  by  the  Japanese. 

It  is  always  difficult  to  determine  whose  is  the 


382  THE  CLOSE  OF  T^UNGCHIH's  REIGN 

power  behind  the  Throne  which  directs  political 
events  in  China.  In  the  early  days  of  T’ungchih’s 
accession  to  power  it  was  commonly  reported  that 
he  was  inclined  to  resent  the  imposition  of  the 
leading  strings  by  which  the  Dowager  Empresses, 
and  his  ministers,  attempted  to  direct  his  course. 
Rumours  were  even  afloat  that,  like  another  Haroun- 
al-Raschid,  it  was  his  wont  to  escape  from  the  palace 
at  night  time  and  wander  through  the  city  that  he 
might  become  acquainted  in  propria  persona  with 
the  actual  condition  of  his  subjects.  It  was  said 
that  Prince  Kung’s  influence  was  particularly  dis- 
tasteful to  him,  and  the  people  of  the  capital  were, 
therefore,  not  much  surprised  when  an  edict  ap- 
peared degrading  that  prince  for  the  use  of 
“ language  in  very  many  respects  unbecoming  ” to 
his  Imperial  kinsman.  That  this  degradation  was 
fiercely  resented  by  the  Empresses  is  proved  by  the 
fact  that  on  the  very  next  day  a decree  appeared 
under  their  signatures  manual,  reinstating  the  Prince 
in  his  hereditary  rank  and  honours.  It  would  appear 
from  this  that  the  Emperor  had  resisted  the  pressure 
brought  to  bear  upon  him  by  the  Dowager  ladies, 
and  that  when  they  insisted,  had  saved  “ his  face  ” 
by  throwing  the  responsibility  of  the  measure  upon 
them.  In  fact  at  this  period  there  was  as  little  peace 
inside  the  palace  walls,  as  there  was  in  the  outlying 
provinces  of  the  Empire.  No  secrets  are  allowed  to 
escape  beyond  the  pink  walls  of  the  palace,  and  it  is 
only  possible  to  guess  at  much  that  goes  on  within 
those  sacred  precincts  by  the  announcements  which 
are  officially  promulgated.  Towards  the  end  of  the 


DEA  TH  OF  T UNGCHIH 


383 


year  1874  an  edict  appeared  in  the  Peking  Gazette 
stating  that  the  Emperor  was  “ happily  ” ill  with  an 
attack  of  small-pox,  and  an  effusively  dutiful  decree 
was  thereupon  published  in  his  name,  in  which  he 
besought  the  Dowager  Empresses  to  undertake  in 
their  “ overflowing  benevolence  ” the  administration 
of  the  Empire  during  his  illness.  For  some  days  the 
Imperial  patient  was  said  to  be  progressing  favour- 
ably, and  honours  were  heaped  on  the  physicians 
who  had  charge  of  his  case.  But  the  good  effected 
by  these  learned  men  was  only  temporary.  A turn 
for  the  worse  set  in,  and  on  the  12th  of  January,  1875, 
he  became  “ a guest  on  high.” 

This  event  gave  rise  to  one  of  those  palace 
intrigues  which  are  common  in  Eastern  countries. 
As  has  been  indicated  the  Dowager  Empresses  had 
on  many  occasions  found  the  young  Emperor  a 
refractory  pupil,  and  they  were  naturally  desirous  of 
taking  advantage  of  the  opportunity  thus  afforded 
them  of  regaining  the  control  of  affairs,  which  custom 
had  compelled  them  to  give  up  when  T’ungchih  took 
to  himself  an  Empress  and  proclaimed  his  majority. 
The  one  obstacle  in  their  way  was  the  now  widowed 
Empress  who,  as  was  well  known,  might  possibly 
have  given  birth  to  an  heir  to  the  throne.  In  such  a 
case  she  naturally  would  have  become  the  Regent 
during  her  son’s  minority,  and  this  the  elder  ladies 
determined  to  put  beyond  the  range  of  possibility. 
With  a total  disregard  of  the  regulations  ordering  the 
Imperial  succession,  they,  without  any  delay,  set 
about  making  a choice  of  an  heir  to  T’ungchih. 
There  were  two  candidates  for  this  distinguished 


384  THE  CLOSE  OF  t’UNGCHIH's  REIGN 


honour.  One  was  the  son  of  Prince  Kung,  who  had 
arrived  at  years  of  discretion,  and  the  other  was 
Tsait’ien,  the  infant  son  of  Prince  Ch’un.  Prince 
Kung’s  son  was  naturally  the  one  which  should  have 
been  chosen  as  being  the  eldest  son  of  the  eldest 
uncle  of  the  late  Emperor.  But  in  the  eyes  of  the 
Dowager  Empresses  there  were  two  fatal  objections 
to  his  candidature.  He  was  of  age,  and  therefore 
would  have  supreme  control  of  affairs,  and,  besides, 
his  accession  would  have  necessitated  the  retirement 
of  Prince  Kung,  who  could  not,  in  accordance  with 
the  Chinese  ideas  of  filial  piety,  have  served  under 
his  son.  Neither  of  these  objections  were  prominent 
in  the  case  of  Tsait’ien,  who  was  barely  four  years 
old,  and  whose  succession  to  the  throne  would  give  a 
new  lease  of  power  to  the  intriguing  ladies.  His 
father  also,  not  having  taken  any  public  part  in 
political  life,  would  have  no  office  to  vacate. 
Tsait’ien,  therefore,  was  chosen,  and  by  a pious 
fiction,  common  to  Chinese  practice,  he  was  adopted 
as  the  son,  not  of  T’ungchih,  but  of  the  preceding 
Emperor,  Hsienfeng.  But  Ahluta  still  remained, 
and  it  did  not  surprise  those  who  had  watched  the 
course  of  events  to  hear  that  the  poor  lady  had  been 
seized  with  illness  which  in  a few  days  proved  fatal 
(29th  of  March,  1875).  It  suited  nobody’s  purpose 
to  inquire  too  closely  into  the  nature  of  the  malady 
which  had  so  conveniently  removed  a political  diffi- 
culty, and  certain  it  is  that  whatever  may  have  been 
the  Dowager  Empresses’  attitude  towards  her  when 
alive,  she  had  no  sooner  passed  into  the  shades  than 
they  lavished  encomiums  upon  her.  The  pages  of  the 


THE  empress's  VIRTUES 


385 


Peking  Gazette  were  filled  with  her  good  deeds,  and 
by  common  consent  the  posthumous  title  was  con- 
ferred upon  her  of  “ The  filial,  wise,  excellent,  yield- 
ing, chaste,  careful,  virtuous,  and  intelligent  Queen  I, 
who  governed  her  actions  by  the  laws  of  Heaven,  and 
whose  life  added  lustre  to  the  teachings  of  the  Sages.” 

Meanwhile  strangely  demonstrative  decrees  were 
issued  under  the  signature  of  the  infant  Emperor 
proclaiming,  in  all  the  fanciful  verbiage  of  the  East, 
his  imaginary  grief  at  the  death  of  his  predecessor, 
and  belauding  the  virtues  which  he  chose  to  attribute 
to  him.  “ Prostrate  upon  the  earth,”  he  wrote,  “ We 
bewail  Our  grief  to  Heaven,  vainly  stretching  out  Our 
hands  in  lamentation.”  It  now  only  remained  to 
choose  an  Imperial  epithet  for  the  infant  “Son  of 
Heaven,”  and  in  accordance  with  the  prescribed 
forms  a number  of  complimentary  titles  were  sub- 
mitted for  selection  to  Tsait’ien,  who  is  supposed  to 
have  chosen  the  designation  of  Kwanghsu  or  “ The 
Succession  of  Glory.” 

One  of  the  grievances  which  the  Dowager 
Empresses  had  against  T’ungchih  was,  that  by  a 
laxity  of  administration  he  had  allowed  the  palace 
eunuchs  to  assume  functions  and  exercise  powers  to 
which  they  were  in  no  wise  entitled.  One  of  the 
first  acts  of  the  Regents,  therefore,  was  to  put  these 
assuming  courtiers  in  their  proper  places.  Seven  of 
the  principal  offenders  were  consequently  put  on  their 
trial,  with  the  result  that  three  were  transported  to 
the  Amur,  there  to  act  as  slaves,  and  four  others 
were  severely  bastinadoed.  These  salutary  lessons 
brought  these  pests  of  the  palace  to  their  bearings. 

26 


386  THE  CLOSE  OF  t'uNGCHIH's  REIGN 

To  those  on  the  spot  who  had  followed  the  course 
of  current  events  in  China  it  was  obvious  that,  since 
the  conclusion  of  the  treaty,  there  had  been  rather 
a decrease  than  an  increase  in  the  friendly  feeling 
towards  foreigners  on  the  part  of  the  officials.  In 
fact,  since  the  establishment  of  the  legations  at 
Peking  there  had  been  a marked  change  in  a hostile 
direction,  and  though  the  Chinese  Govenmient  pro- 
fessed friendly  feelings  towards  the  Treaty  Powers, 
there  were  not  lacking  signs  that  there  was  a desire 
on  the  part  of  even  the  most  highly  placed  officials  to 
restrict  the  provisions  of  the  treaty  so  far  as  possible. 
Before  the  death  of  T’ungchih,  it  had  been  arranged 
that  the  Viceroy  of  India  should  send  an  expedition 
via  Bhamo,  in  Burma,  into  Yunnan,  for  the  purpose 
of  opening  commercial  relations  with  that  district. 
In  December,  1874,  the  members  of  the  mission 
arrived  at  Mandalay,  and  as  soon  as  their  arrange- 
ments were  complete,  started  for  Bhamo.  To  further 
the  success  of  the  undertaking  it  was  determined  to 
send  Mr.  IMargary,  of  the  Chinese  Consular  Service, 
who  besides  being  a good  Chinese  scholar  was  a 
thoroughly  capable  man,  to  meet  the  expedition  at 
Bhamo.  On  his  way  from  Shanghai  to  the  western 
frontier  he  met  with  every  civility  from  the  local 
mandarins,  and  eventually  joined  hands  with  Colonel 
Browne  at  Bhamo,  on  January  26,  1875.  After 
some  delay,  during  which  reports  had  reached  Bhamo 
that  a Chinese  force  was  collecting  in  the  mountain 
passes  to  bar  the  passage  of  the  expedition.  Colonel 
Browne’s  party  started  eastward.  By  the  light  of  his 
experience  e7z  7'oute  from  Shanghai,  Mr.  Margary  con- 


THE  MURDER  OF  MARGARY  ' 38/ 

sidered  the  rumour  of  opposition  to  be  unworthy  of 
credit,  and  with  the  consent  of  Colonel  Browne,  went 
ahead  of  the  expedition  to  inquire  exactly  into  the 
condition  of  affair^'.  On  the  19th  of  February  he 
arrived  without  difficulty  at  Manwyne,  a town  within 
the  Chinese  frontier,  where  he  was  hospitably  received 
by  the  officials.  On  the  following  day  he  was  invited 
to  visit  a mineral  spring  in  the  neighbourhood,  and 
while  on  this  excursion  he  was  savagely  assaulted 
and  murdered.  At  the  same  time  a Chinese  force 
attacked  Colonel  Browne’s  party.  These  assailants 
were  beaten  off  without  much  difficulty,  but  the 
murder  of  Margary,  and  the  hostile  attitude  of  the 
people,  determined  Colonel  Browne  to  give  up  any 
thought  of  proceeding  further,  and  he  returned  to 
Bhamo. 

So  soon  as  the  news  of  this  outrage  reached  Peking, 
Sir  Thomas  Wade  made  strong  remonstrances  at  the 
Tsungli  Yamen,  and  insisted  that  a joint  Commission 
of  English  and  Chinese  officials  should  proceed  to  the 
spot  to  investigate  the  circumstances  of  the  murder. 
But  the  Tsungli  Yamen  was  in  a more  than  usually 
obstructive  mood,  and  for  months  Sir  Thomas  Wade’s 
demands  were  met  with  consistent  prevarications  and 
delay.  When  no  unemployed  subterfuge  for  shelving 
the  question  at  issue  remained  to  them,  they,  in  quite 
their  approved  manner,  named  a Taot’ai  of  inferior 
position  as  the  colleague  of  Mr.  Grosvenor,  a secretary 
of  Legation,  in  the  commission  of  inquiry.  Sir 
Thomas  Wade  refused  to  accept  this  appointment 
on  the  ground  of  the  comparatively  mean  rank  of 
the  officer  nominated,  and  finally  induced  Prince 


388  THE  CLOSE  OF  t'UXGCHIH's  FEIGN 

Kung  and  his  colleagues  to  appoint  in  his  stead  Li 
Hanchang,  the  Viceroy  of  the  two  Hu  Provinces. 
This  was  only  the  preliminary  difficulty  to  be  over- 
come, for  Li,  imitating  the  conduct  of  his  superiors, 
required  two  months  to  make  his  preparation  for 
the  journey.  But  everything  must  come  to  an  end, 
even  a Chinaman’s  delays,  and  eventually  the 
Commission  arrived  at  Manwyne  and  opened  pro- 
ceedings. 

Meanwhile  Sir  Thomas  Wade  put  forward  seven 
demands  to  the  Chinese  Government,  which  he 
considered  should  be  satisfied  before  there  could  be 
any  reasonable  possibility  of  bringing  the  matter  to 
a satisfactory  conclusion.  The  first  of  these  had 
reference  to  improving  the  condition  of  diplomatic 
intercourse  at  Peking  ; the  second  to  the  enlarge- 
ment of  trading  facilities  ; the  third  to  the  provision 
of  a sufficient  escort  to  Mr.  Grosvenor  ; the  fourth  to 
the  promise  of  an  escort  for  another  mission  from 
India  ; the  fifth  to  requiring  the  Viceroy  Ts’en  to 
state  how  it  happened  that  nearly  six  months  after 
the  murder  of  Margary  no  definite  information  con- 
cerning it  had  reached  the  Yamen  ; the  sixth  to 
insisting  that  a minister  should  be  sent  to  England 
to  express  the  regret  of  the  Chinese  Government  at 
the  outrage ; and  the  seventh  to  demanding  that  the 
decree,  directing  the  appointment  of  this  minister  to 
England,  should  be  published  in  the  Peking  Gazette. 
To  the  first  of  these  the  Tsungli  Yamen  returned  a 
characteristic  answer.  The  ministers  stated  it  was  not 
customary  for  Chinese  officials  who  were  not  charged 
with  the  management  of  foreign  affairs  to  hold  inter- 


AFFAIRS  IN  YUNNAN 


389 


course  with  foreigners,  “ and  it  consequently  behoves 
them,”  they  added,  “ not  to  be  in  relations  with  the 
foreign  representatives  at  Peking.”  They  declined 
also  to  send  a mission  of  apology,  and  added,  “ that 
it  was  not  open  to  the  servants  of  His  Majesty  the 
Emperor  to  make  suggestions  regarding  his  decrees.” 
At  this  time  Sir  Thomas  Wade  was  at  Tientsin  and 
had  used  Li  Hungchang  as  an  intermediary  with  the 
Government.  The  course  which  the  proceedings  now 
took,  however,  was  so  eminently  unsatisfactory  that 
he  had  made  up  his  mind  to  return  to  Peking,  and 
was  on  the  point  of  departure,  when  the  following 
laconic  Imperial  Decree  was  brought  to  his  notice. 
“ Let  Li  Hungchang  and  Ting  Jihch’ang  negotiate 
respecting  the  Margary  affair  with  the  British 
Minister,  Mr.  Wade  at  Tientsin.”  This  edict 
appeared  to  constitute  Li  a plenipotentiary,  and 
Sir  Thomas  Wade  was,  therefore,  not  unnaturally 
surprised  when  the  Tsungli  Yamen  subsequently 
declined  to  endorse  certain  concessions  made  by 
their  representative,  and  further  announced  at  the 
same  time  “ that  it  did  not  follow  that  what  his 
Excellency  Li  might  guarantee  at  Tientsin  should 
be  given  effect  to  at  Peking.” 

The  position  of  affairs  in  Y unnan  was  in  every  way 
as  unsatisfactory  as  the  course  of  the  negotiations  at 
Peking.  Every  obstacle  was  put  in  the  way  of  the 
English  Commissioner,  and  it  was  rendered  quite 
impossible  for  him  to  arrive  at  the  true  conclusion  of 
the  matter  by  the  withholding  of  much  important 
evidence,  and  by  the  obtrusion  of  other  so-called 
testimony  which  was  absolutely  valueless.  It  was 


390  THE  CLOSE  OF  ’fUNGCHIH's  REIGN 

plainly  the  intention  of  the  supreme  authorities  to 
shelter  the  Viceroy  Ts’en  from  all  blame  in  the 
matter.  This  man’s  record  was  bad,  and  was  blood- 
stained with  every  species  of  cruelty.  During  the 
suppression  of  the  Mohammedan  rebellion  in  the 
province  he  had  sent  to  the  execution  ground 
hecatombs  of  victims,  and  in  the  opinion  of  all 
unprejudiced  observers,  it  was  plain  that  in  this 
case  he  was  primarily  responsible  for  the  murder. 
But  it  was  impossible  to  get  any  witnesses  to  give 
evidence  against  him.  Men  who  were  in  close 
relations  with  him  professed  to  know  nothing  of 
his  attitude  in  the  matter,  while  at  the  same  time 
they  gave  v’oluble  testimony  against  a number  of 
men  of  a border  tribe,  who  were  as  far  from  their 
cognisance  as  Ts’en  was  near.  Of  only  one  official 
had  they  a word  of  disparagement  to  say.  This  was 
Colonel  Li  (Li  Sieht’ai)  who  had  begun  life  as  a 
brigand,  who  had  then  turned  rebel,  and  who  had 
eventually  transferred  his  valuable  services  to  the 
provincial  authorities.  By  all  accounts  this  was 
the  man  who  led  the  troops  which  opposed  Colonel 
Browne’s  party. 

So  thoroughly  unsatisfactory  were  the  results  thus 
obtained,  that  Sir  Thomas  Wade  refrained  to  press 
for  the  punishment  of  the  accused,  and  finally  despair- 
ing of  arriving  at  a satisfactory  arrangement  with  so 
tortuously  minded  a Government  as  that  at  Peking, 
hauled  down  his  flag,  and  took  ship  for  Shanghai.  This 
step  seriously  alarmed  the  Tsungli  Yamen,  and  after 
some  negotiations  Sir  Thomas  Wade  agreed  to  meet 
Li  Hungchang  at  Chifu  (Chefoo)  to  discuss  the  terms 


A CHINESE  MINISTER  AT  ST.  /AMES's  39 1 

of  a settlement.  The  result  of  the  discussions  which 
ensued  was  the  Chifu  Convention,  which  after  having 
been  unconfirmed  for  twelve  years  was  at  -last 
ratified. 

One  result  of  these  long-drawn-out  negotiations 
was  that  a permanent  Chinese  Minister  was  sent  to 
the  Court  of  St.  James’s.  The  choice  of  the  first 
Envoy  Plenipotentiary  was  an  eminently  fortunate 
one.  Kwo  Sungtao  had  had  relations  with  foreigners 
in  China,  and  was  possessed  of  a conciliatory  and 
courteous  demeanour.  As  Mr.  Gladstone  once  said 
of  him,  “he  was  the  most  genial  Oriental  whom  he 
had  ever  met,”  and  during  his  tenure  of  the  Lega- 
tion in  Portland  Place,  international  matters  went 
smoothly  and  well.  While  the  foreign  relations  of 
the  Empire  had  thus  been  disturbed,  the  attention  of 
both  officials  and  people  at  Peking  had  been  absorbed 
by  the  details  of  the  funerals  of  the  late  Emperor 
and  Empress.  Vast  preparations  were  made  for  the 
august  ceremony,  and  it  was  determined  that  both 
the  young  Emperor  and  the  Dowager  Empresses 
should  follow  the  cortege  to  the  Imperial  mausolea  in 
the  eastern  mountains.  The  sudden  and  unaccounted 
for  death  of  Ahluta  had  agitated  the  Pekingese  not  a 
little,  and  one  censor,  more  bold  than  the  rest,  took 
upon  himself  to  suggest  that  an  extra  title  of  honour 
should  be  conferred  upon  her  late  Majesty  in  com- 
memoration of  her  many  virtues.  This  was  regarded 
as  an  implied  censure  by  the  Dowager  Empresses,  who 
issued  an  angry  decree  in  response  declaring  the 
suggestion  to  be  absurd,  and  ordering  the  unfortunate 
censor  to  be  severely  punished.  On  the  i6th  of 


392  THE  CLOSE  OF  T'LWGCHIH's  REIGN 

October,  1875,  the  funeral  cortege  left  Peking,  and  on 
the  25th  the  Emperor  returned  to  his  capital.  More 
than  usual  magnificence  was  lavished  on  the  proces- 
sion and  accompanying  ceremonies.  The  coffins 
were  each  carried  by  a hundred  and  twenty-eight 
bearers,  who  were  relieved  sixty  times  during  the 
day  ; and  the  cost  incurred  amounted  to  189,000 
taels. 

These  Imperial  dead  were  scarcely  laid  to  rest  in 
the  costly  tombs  raised  to  their  memory,  when  their 
unhappy  country,  which  was  just  recovering  from  the 
effects  of  wars  and  disturbances,  was  afflicted  with 
one  of  the  most  severe  famines  which  have  been 
known  in  the  recent  history  of  the  world.  Over  a 
large  portion  of  the  north  of  China,  consisting  of  an 
area  as  large  as  France,  there  lies  a deep  deposit  of 
the  geological  formation  known  as  Loess.  This 
formation  consists  of  a light  friable  soil,  and  covers 
the  country  to  the  depth  of  a hundred  feet  or  more, 
levelling  up  the  valleys  and  bringing  low  the  hills. 
In  favourable  seasons  when  rains  are  frequent  and 
temperate,  the  crops  grown  on  the  loess  are  full  and 
generous.  It  is  only  necessary  for  the  farmer  to 
scratch  the  surface  and  sow  his  seed.  IManure  is 
unnecessary,  and  the  usual  succession  of  rich  crops 
which  are  commonly  yielded  has  earned  for  the 
district  the  name  of  the  “ Garden  of  China.”  But  all 
this  fertility  depends  on  the  fall  of  sufficient  rain  and 
snow.  In  seasons  when  the  clouds  refuse  their 
moisture,  the  winds  which  prevail  blow  away  the 
surface  soil,  and  leave  the  seed  grain  exposed  to  the 
desiccating  influences  of  the  sun  and  wind.  It  is 


A FAMINE 


393 


these  conditions  which  afford  a substantial  reason 
for  the  prayers  which  are  offered  up  by  the  Emperor 
in  person,  for  rain  and  snow  in  seasons  of  summer 
drought  and  when  the  winter  coating  of  snow  is 
persistently  withheld. 

During  the  years  1874-75  there  had  been  a 
marked  deficiency  of  moisture,  a want  which  was 


A HOUSE  IX  SHANSI. 


further  intensified  in  the  following  year,  and  which 
ultimately  ended  in  rendering  absolutely  sterile  the 
seed  sown  by  the  farmers.  The  results  were  dis- 
astrous in  the  extreme.  With  such  imperfect  means 
of  communication  as  the  Chinese  possess,  it  is  im- 
possible to  supply  the  deficiencies  of  one  district  by 
the  superfluities  of  others  with  sufficient  speed  to 


394  'I' HE  FIRST  YEARS  OF  KWANGHSU 

prevent  the  occurrence  of  famine.  Over  the  four 
provinces  of  Chihli,  Shansi,  Honan,  and  Kansu  a 
dire  scarcity  prevailed,  and  though  every  effort  was 
made,  both  by  foreigners  and  natives,  to  bring  aid  to 
the  starving  people,  upwards  of  nine  million  perished 
before  succeeding  crops  supplied  food  for  the  sur- 
vivors. In  this  emergency  Li  Hungchang  succeeded 
in  collecting  as  much  as  289,394  taels,  and  a foreign 
relief  committee  at  Shanghai  was  able  to  hand  over 
204,560  taels  to  provide  grain  for  the  unfortunate 
sufferers.  It  is  illustrative  of  the  deeply  grained 
dishonesty  which  pervades  China  that,  even  in  the 
presence  of  such  a fearful  calamity,  the  peculating 
tendencies  of  native  officials  remained  too  strong  to 
be  overcome.  In  these  circumstances  Li  Hungchang 
set  a worthy  example,  and  reported  a number  of  his 
subordinates  who  had  been  taken  red-handed  in 
intercepting  the  monies  subscribed  for  the  purchase 
of  grain.  These  men  were  severely  punished,  and  it 
is  a pleasure  to  know  that  one  agent,  who  had  mixed 
alum  with  the  flour  which  he  distributed  in  such 
proportions  as  to  make  it  uneatable,  met  with  ex- 
emplary punishment. 

Li,  who  has  always  had  an  eye  for  business  profits, 
made  large  use  of  the  vessels  of  the  China  Merchant 
Steam  Navigation  Company,  of  which  he  was  the 
promoter,  for  the  conveyance  of  the  grain  to  the 
famine  districts,  and  the  result  was  undoubtedly 
satisfactory.  But  the  bad  roads  and  imperfect  con- 
veyances made  the  transport  of  the  grain  from  the 
ports  to  the  inland  localities  a matter  of  serious 
difficulty.  The  prominence  which  was  thus  given  to 


THE  W US  UNO  RAILWAY 


395 


the  faulty  native  means  of  intercommunication, 
brought  once  more  to  the  front  the  question  of 
introducing  railways  into  the  country.  Already  a 
small  company  of  foreign  merchants  had,  with  the 
permission  of  the  Viceroy  of  the  two  Kiang  pro- 
vinces, constructed  a line  from  Shanghai  to  Wusung, 
at  the  mouth  of  the  river,  a distance  of  about  twelve 
miles.  For  a time  all  things  went  smoothly  with  the 
new  venture.  The  line  was  popular  with  the  people, 
who  crowded  the  carriages  to  such  an  extent  that 
some  would-be  passengers  were  left  behind  on  almost 
every  railway  platform.  But  though  it  quickly  secured 
the  favour  of  the  people,  its  success  was  gall  and 
wormwood  to  the  Literati,  to  whom  any  new  foreign 
innovation  is  anathema.  Confucius  laid  it  down  that 
his  countrymen  should  not  accept  any  new  devices 
from  abroad,  and  with  curious  pertinacity  the  students 
of  what  is  known  as  the  Confucian  literature  have 
steadily  adhered  to  his  advice.  Life  is  not  counted 
as  being  of  much  value  in  China,  and  when  it  became 
known  that  it  would  be  a convenience  to  the  official 
classes  if  a man  were  run  over  and  killed,  the  event 
at  once  took  place.  This  supplied  the  well-known 
Chinese  device  in  such  cases  of  a demand  of  a life  for 
a life.  A reference  to  the  Consular  Court  naturally 
disposed  of  this  preposterous  proposition.  Another 
means  had  therefore  to  be  employed  to  arrive  at  the 
same  end.  Nothing  is  easier  than  to  get  up  a riot  in 
China,  and  it  soon  became  evident  that  the  appeal  of 
the  Literati  to  the  people  would  meet  with  its  usual 
success.  So  serious  did  affairs  become  under  the 
influence  of  these  mischief-makers,  that  the  Viceroy 


396  THE  FIRST  YEARS  OF  A'lVAXGHSt/ 

was  obliged  to  intervene,  and  the  matter  was  referred 
for  decision  to  Sir  Thomas  Wade  and  Li  Hungchang, 
who  at  the  time  were  negotiating  the  Chifu  Conven- 
tion. 

Li  disclaimed  all  administrative  power  in  the 
matter,  and,  in  face  of  the  opposition  which  had  been 
roused.  Sir  Thomas  Wade  recommended  that  the 
trains  should  cease  to  run  until  a decision  should  be 
arrived  at.  Events  in  which  foreigners  were  impli- 
cated had  in  those  days  a tendency  to  develop  in 
one  direction.  This  was  no  exception  to  the  rule, 
and  after  much  discussion,  it  was  agreed  that  the 
Chinese  should  become  owners  of  the  railway  by 
purchase.  This  sealed  its  fate,  the  rails  were  at  once 
ruthlessly  torn  up,  and  were  exported  to  the  Island 
of  Formosa,  where  they  were  allowed  to  rot  on  the 
sea  shore.  The  practical  utility  of  railways  is  so 
palpable  that  Li,  in  common  with  all  men  of  intelli- 
gence, has  always  fully  recognised  their  advantage^ 
and  being  at  the  time  interested  in  the  development 
of  some  coal  mines  within  his  jurisdiction,  he  proposed 
to  make  a line  to  connect  these  pits  with  Tientsin 
and  Taku.  The  district  through  which  this  line  was 
to  run  was  sparsely  inhabited,  and  was  entirely  free 
from  the  presence  of  obstructive  scholars.  Li’s  influ- 
ence, however,  was  sufficient  to  have  overcome  any 
opposition  which  might  have  existed,  but  as  none 
appeared,  no  difficulty  arose  in  the  construction  of  the 
line  which  still  carries  coal  between  K’aip’ing  and  the 
sea,  to  the  infinite  advantage  of  the  province.  The 
object  lesson  taught  by  this  railroad  has  not  been 
lost  on  the  natives  of  the  locality,  and  at  the  present 


ANOTHER  KOREAN  DIFFICULTY 


397 


moment  the  only  lines  which  exist  in  the  Empire — 
one  from  Taku  to  Peking,  and  the  other  a continuation 
of  K’aip’ing  line  to  Shanhaikwan — are  in  this  im- 
mediate neighbourhood. 

In  so  vast  an  Empire  as  China,  with  so  many  feu- 
datory states  owing  allegiance  to  her,  it  can  seldom 
be  that  complete  peace  reigns  within  her  territories. 


A ROADWAY  SCENE  IN  KOREA. 

A rebellion  which  broke  out  in  Annan  at  this  time 
was  put  down  after  some  difficulty  with  the  assistance 
of  Chinese  troops,  and  later  the  Court  of  Peking  was 
disturbed  by  the  news  of  a serious  outbreak  in  Korea. 
Japan  had  already  opened  diplomatic  intercourse 
with  that  country,  and  had  claimed,  as  she  always 
had  done,  suzerainty  over  it.  At  this  time,  as  has 


398  THE  FIRST  YEARS  OF  KWANGHSU 

not  uncommonly  happened  in  the  annals  of  that  un- 
happy country,  Korea  was  a house  divided  as^ainst 
itself.  The  King  who  still  reigns  is  a well-meaning 
man,  but  without  sufficient  character  to  give  effect  to 
his  good  intentions  in  the  face  of  opposition.  He 
also  suffered  under  the  disadvantage  of  having 
witnessed  during  a long  minority  his  father  rule,  or 
rather  misrule,  in  the  country.  This  man’s  external 
policy  had  been  consistently  anti-foreign.  He  had 
successfully  opposed  attempts  made  by  French  and 
American  expeditions  to  enter  the  country,  and  when 
at  length  he  handed  over  the  reins  of  power  to  his 
son,  he  attempted  to  direct  his  successor’s  policy  on 
the  lines  which  he  himself  had  followed.  Finding, 
however,  that  his  son  was  unwilling  to  accept  his 
guidance  in  these  matters,  he  used  all  his  arts  of 
intrigue  to  carry  his  points.  He  had  bitterly  opposed 
the  Japanese  Treaty,  and  finding  the  King  obdurate 
on  the  question,  he  determined  to  effect  by  violence 
that  which  he  could  not  gain  by  argument.  At  his 
instigation  an  attack  was  made  on  the  Japanese 
Legation  at  Seoul,  and  so  fierce  was  the  assault  that 
the  Japanese  after  defending  the  building  so  long  as 
it  was  tenable,  sallied  out  against  the  mob,  and  fought 
their  way  to  the  sea  coast,  where  they  found  shelter 
and  protection  on  board  a British  gunboat.  The  ex- 
Regent  T’aiwen  Kun  was  now  supreme.  The  young 
King  was  made  a prisoner,  and  the  Queen  was  only 
saved  from  assassination  by  the  devotion  of  one  of 
her  ladies  who  met  death  in  her  stead.  On  receipt 
of  the  news  of  this  outrage  Li  Hungchang,  who  was 
ordered  by  an  Imperial  edict  to  take  the  matter  in 


THE  KOREAN  REGENT  KIDNAPPED 


399 


hand,  despatched  an  official  named  Ma  with  a fleet 
of  ironclads  to  suppress  the  riots,  while  at  the  same 
time  the  Japanese  Government  re-established  their 
Legation  with  the  support  of  a strong  escort. 

It  was  plain  to  Li,  and  to  his  lieutenant  Ma,  that 
so  long  as  the  ex-Regent  was  at  liberty  to  plot  and 
intrigue,  peace  was  impossible.  They  determined 


A KOREAN  SEDAN-CHAIR. 


therefore,  that  it  was  for  the  good  of  the  country  that 
he  should  be  deported  for  a while.  The  kidnapping 
of  officials  in  such  circumstances  is  not  an  unusual 
practice  in  the  East,  and  Ma  was  only  acting  after 
the  manner  of  his  countrymen  when,  having  invited 
the  T’aiwen  Kun  to  an  entertainment  on  board  his 
ship,  he  steamed  off  to  China  with  his  unsuspecting 


400  THE  FIRST  YEARS  OF  KWANGHSU 

visitor.  On  the  arrival  of  this  Korean  plotter  on 
Chinese  soil  an  Imperial  edict  was  issued  ordering 
that  he  should,  for  the  remainder  of  his  life,  “ live  at 
peace  at  Paoting  Fu  in  Chihli.  . . . Let  the  Governor- 
General  of  Chihli,”  so  ran  on  the  document,  “ continue 
bountifully  to  afford  him  such  support  as  his  rank 
demands,  and  strictly  keep  watch  over  him,  that  thus 
a cause  of  trouble  and  calamity  to  Korea  may  be 
removed,  and  the  breach  of  the  laws  of  kindred 
towards  the  prince  of  that  kingdom  be  healed.” 

Meanwhile  Japan  had  made  demands  for  com- 
pensation for  the  insult  offered  to  her  flag  in  the 
attack  on  the  Legation  at  Seoul.  Five  hundred 
thousand  dollars  were  claimed  as  an  indemnity  for 
the  cost  of  the  expedition  ; a new  treaty  port  was 
insisted  on  ; and  it  was  required  that  a mission  of 
apology  be  sent  to  Japan  to  satisfy  the  anioui' 
propre  of  the  Mikado’s  Government.  Being  abso- 
lutely powerless  to  refuse  consent  to  these,  or  any 
other  conditions,  the  Korean  Government  readily 
yielded  all  that  was  asked. 

For  some  time  Li  Hungchangand  those  who  acted 
with  him  had  observed  with  growing  anxiety  the 
advances  which  Japan  had  been  making  in  the  equip- 
ment of  her  army  and  navy,  and  in  1882  a secret 
memorial  was  presented  to  the  Throne  by  Chang 
Peilun,  a man  who  has  since  become  notorious  in 
many  ways,  and  who  further  rejoices  in  the  position 
of  son-in-law  to  Li  Hungchang,  detailing  the  reforms 
which  were  being  introduced  into  the  Japanese  army, 
and  urging  that  it  was  the  duty  of  “ our  Empire  to 
check  in  time  threatening  evil  from  Japan,  and  to 


MILITARY  REFORM 


40  r 

establish  definitely  the  supremacy  of  China  over  its 
neighbour.”  Chang  was  careful,  however,  to  explain 
that  an  invasion  of  Japan  would,  in  existing  circum- 
stances, be  a hazardous  undertaking,  and  he  very 
reasonably  advocated  the  necessity  of  adding  strength 
to  the  forces  and  fortifications  of  the  Empire.  Li,  to 
whom  this  and  other  memorials  of  a similar  kind 
were  referred,  advised  caution,  as  was  his  wont,  and 
summed  up  his  recommendations  in  these  words  : 
“It  is  above  all  things  necessary  to  strengthen  our 
country’s  defences,  to  organise  a powerful  navy,  and 
not  to  undertake  aggressive  3teps  against  Japan  in 
too  great  a hurry.” 

We  have  seen  the  miserable  figure  which  the 
Ch'nese  forces  cut  in  their  late  encounter  with 
Japan,  and  if  it  is  possible  to  imagine  a greater 
disproportion  of  strength  than  was  then  displayed, 
it  would  have  been  found  at  the  time  of  which  we 
speak.  For  years  the  Japanese  had  been  organising 
their  army  on  the  European  model,  and  had  armed 
their  troops  with  the  newest  weapons  invented  at 
Elswick  and  by  Krupp  ; while  the  Chinese  soldiers, 
with  the  exception  of  a small  body  enlisted  by  Li, 
were  still  trusting  in  their  bows  and  arrows  and  in 
the  scarcely  more  effective  gingalls.  In  accordance 
with  Li’s  advice  the  trial  of  strength  was  postponed, 
and  if  his  subsequent  counsel  had  been  followed  the 
battles  of  1894  and  1895  would  never  have  been 
fought. 

But  though  the  Chinese  Government  were  success- 
ful in  avoiding  a war  with  Japan,  they  were  unable 
to  escape  complications  which  ended  in  the  outbreak 

27 


402 


THE  FIRST  YEARS  OF  KWANGHSU. 


of  hostilities  with  France  in  connection  with  affairs 
in  Toughing.  For  many  years  the  French  Govern- 
ment had  had  relations  with  Annam,  which,  however, 
had  never  been  carried  on  in  any  other  than  an 
intermittent  fashion  in  accordance  with  the  changes 
and  chances  of  home  politics.  French  missionaries 
had  with  indefatigable  zeal  attempted  to  introduce 
the  knowledge  of  Christianity  among  the  Annamese, 
and  consequent  persecutions  had  from  time  to  time 
broken  out  which  had  not  unfrequently  ended  in  the 
massacre  of  the  foreign  priests.  In  this  desultory 
and  unsatisfactory  manner  relations  were  maintained 
until  1858,  when,  in  consequence  of  the  refusal  of  the 
King  to  carry  out  the  terms  of  a treaty  negotiated  so 
far  back  as  1787,  the  French  fleet  destroyed  the  forts 
of  Tourane  and  captured  the  town  of  Saigon.  At 
this  last-named  city  they  established  themselves,  and 
when,  after  the  war  of  1870,  the  enthusiasm  for  a 
Colonial  Empire  became  so  pronounced  in  France, 
they  used  it  as  a base  from  which  to  attempt  to 
extend  their  influence  over  the  neighbouring  pro- 
vince of  Tongking.  One  or  two  expeditions,  which 
were  rather  of  the  nature  of  fillibustering  adventures, 
were  sent  against  Hanoi,  the  capital  of  the  province, 
and  gained  temporary  success.  Annam,  including 
Tongking,  had  for  centuries  been  a feudatory  state 
of  China,  and  had  acknowledged  fealty  by  despatch- 
ing at  regular  intervals  tributary  missions  to  Peking. 
As  in  duty  bound,  the  King  on  this  occasion  reported 
tc  his  liege  lord  the  efforts  which  the  French  were 
making  to  gain  possession  of  his  northern  province, 
and  rather  than  risk  a rupture  Li  Hungchang,  as  the 


THE  FRENCH  IN  TONGKING 


403 


Chinese  representative,  agreed  in  response  to  hand 
over  to  France  that  portion  of  the  country  which 
was  south  of  the  Songkoi  Riv^er.  We  have  already 
seen  that  Li’s  recommendations  were  not  always 
accepted  at  Peking,  and  on  this  occasion,  both  in 
that  capital  and  in  Paris,  the  conditions  proposed 
were  peremptorily  rejected.  For  ten  years  matters 
remained  in  this  unsatisfactory  condition;  the  French 
being  ever  aggressive  and  the  Annamese  doing  their 
utmost  by  force  and  by  intrigue  to  oppose  the 
advance  of  the  invaders.  At  length,  in  1884,  the 
important  towns  of  Sontay  and  Bacninh  were 
threatened  by  French  armies.  The  garrisons  of 
these  cities  were  mainly  composed  of  Chinese  troops, 
and  the  Marquis  Tseng,  who  represented  China  at 
Paris  at  the  time,  was  instructed  to  inform  the 
French  Government  that  China  would  regard  an 
attack  on  those  positions  as  an  act  of  war. 

This  threat,  however,  proved  to  be  utterly  un- 
availing, and,  in  defiance  of  the  Marquis’s  warn- 
ing, the  two  cities  were  attacked  and  occupied 
by  the  French.  It  has  never  been  the  practice 
of  the  Chinese  Government,  until  the  outbreak 
of  the  recent  war  with  Japan,  to  make  a formal 
declaration  of  war,  and  as  the  French  saw  no 
necessity  for  going  through  that  formality,  the  two 
countries,  while  contending  in  the  field,  remained 
diplomatically  at  peace.  In  Peking  a strong  party, 
headed  by  Li  Hungchang,  were  desirous  of  coming 
to  terms  with  the  enemy  while  they  were  in  the  way 
with  him,  and  the  Dowager  Empresses  took  occasion 
to  emphasise  their  sympathy  with  the  peace  party  by 


404  the  first  years  of  KWANGHStj. 

issuing  a decree  depriving  “ Prince  Kung  and  several 
other  ministers  of  all  their  offices,  and  imposing 
condign  punishment  upon  all  who  were  responsible 
for  the  failure  in  Tongking.”  In  these  circumstances 
Mr.  Detring,  of  the  China  Customs  Service,  was  en- 
couraged to  suggest  the  opening  of  negotiations 
between  Captain  Fournier,  of  the  French  Navy,  and 
Li  Hungchang.  Both  parties  being  favourably  dis- 
posed towards  the  conclusion  of  peace,  terms  were 
readily  arrived  at,  and  a convention  was  eventually 
signed  between  the  two  plenipotentiaries.  By  this 
instrument  it  was  agreed  that  France  should  respect 
and,  in  case  of  need,  protect  the  southern  frontier  of 
China,  which  separates  that  country  from  Tongking, 
and  at  the  same  time  China  undertook  to  withdraw 
at  once  all  her  troops  from  Tongking. 

Unfortunately  for  the  permanence  of  the  peace 
proposed  by  this  treaty,  the  plenipotentiaries  had 
omitted  to  name  the  date  at  which  the  Chinese 
troops  were  to  be  withdrawn,  and,  as  it  afterwards 
turned  out,  the  two  contracting  parties  held  different 
views  on  this  very  important  subject.  Li  was  under 
the  impression  that  it  had  been  arranged  that  the 
movement  should  take  place  at  the  end  of  three 
months  ; Fournier,  on  the  other  hand,  believed  that 
three  weeks  was  the  limit  allowed.  Neither  date, 
however,  seems  to  have  been  mentioned  to  Colonel 
Dugenne,  the  commander  of  the  troops  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Langson,  when  notice  was  sent  him  of 
the  conclusion  of  peace.  With  the  impatience  of  a 
new  possessor,  therefore,  he  marched  towards  the 
town,  and  on  arriving  at  a defile  some  distance  from 


DEFEAT  OF  THE  FRENCH 


405 


the  city  he  was  met  by  a considerable  Chinese  force 
drawn  up  to  oppose  his  advance.  When  he  de- 
manded a passage  through  the  lines  of  this  hostile 
array,  three  mandarins  came  forward,  and,  explain- 
ing that  they  had  had  no  intimation  of  the  suspension 
of  hostilities,  demanded  time  that  they  might  com- 
municate with  the  commanding  officer  at  Langson. 
Dugenne  interned  these  men  as  hostages,  and  then 
professed  his  willingness  to  wait  for  the  required 
reference.  By  some  misadventure  the  Zephyrs,  or 
criminal  corps  of  the  army,  opened  fire  upon  the 
Chinese,  and  brought  about  an  engagement.  Two 
of  the  hostages,  perceiving  the  mistake,  attempted 
to  ride  back  to  their  army  to  stop  the  fighting. 
Their  intention,  however,  being  misunderstood,  they 
were  both  shot,  while  the  third  met  the  same  fate 
by  the  discharge  of  a pistol.  The  action  now 
became  general,  and  the  French  were  completely 
defeated.  Their  losses  were  heavy  both  in  men  and 
in  baggage,  and  the  troops  would  have  been  entirely 
overwhelmed  had  it  not  been  for  the  gallant  action 
of  a body  of  Chasseurs  d' Afrique^  who  checked  the 
pursuing  Chinamen. 

This  misadventure  gave  rise  to  mutual  recrimina- 
tions between  the  two  negotiators  of  the  Convention. 
Captain  Fournier  averred  that  he  had  agreed  with 
Li  as  to  the  dates  on  which  the  fortresses  were  to 
be  given  up,  while  Li  asserted  that  when  he  pro- 
tested against  the  impossibly  short  time  named. 
Captain  Fournier  had  run  his  pen  through  the 
clauses  in  dispute.  In  defence  of  his  conduct 
Captain  Fournier  wrote  to  Monsieur  Ferry  affirm- 


406  the  first  years  of  RlVANGHSt). 

ing  upon  his  honour  that  he  had  neither  cancelled 
nor  evaded  any  of  the  dates  and  stipulations  of  the 
note  handed  to  Li  Hungchang.  In  opposition  to 
this  very  categorical  statement,  Ma,  the  captor  of  the 
Taiwen  Kun  of  Korea,  and  Lo  Fenglu,  the  present 
Minister  at  our  Court,  signed  a letter  addressed  to 
the  North  China  Herald^  in  which  they  stated  that 
they  “saw  with  their  own  eyes  Captain  Fournier 
with  his  own  hand  make  the  said  erasures  and  put 
his  initials  thereto.” 

After  these  events  peace  became  impossible,  and 
both  in  Tongking  and  Formosa  the  French  again 
began  operations.  In  the  former  province  General 
Negrier  took  the  field,  and  with  some  difficulty 
captured  the  stronghold  of  Langson  (February  13, 
1885),  while  Admiral  Courbet  attacked,  though  un- 
successfully, Kelung,  on  the  northern  coast  of 
Formosa.  Finding  his  efforts  there  to  be  unavail- 
ing the  admiral  steamed  across  to  Foochow.  Of 
this  intended  movement  the  Chinese  had  notice,  but 
Chang  P’eilun,  of  whom  mention  has  already  been 
made,  and  who  was  commanding  at  Foochow  at  the 
time,  entirely  disregarded  the  intimation.  With  a 
certain  disingenuousness  Admiral  Courbet,  on  the 
plea  that  war  had  not  been  declared,  steamed  by  the 
forts  at  the  mouth  of  the  Min  river,  and  anchored 
among  the  Chinese  fleet  in  rear  of  the  defences. 
Secure  in  his  position,  Courbet  demanded  the  imme- 
diate surrender  of  the  fleet  and  forts,  and  on  this 
being  refused,  opened  fire  on  the  Chinese  ships  as 
they  lay  at  anchor.  In  seven  minutes  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  enemy’s  vessels  was  complete,  and  the 


DESTRUCTION  OF  THE  CHINESE  FLEET  407 

harbour  was  full  of  wreckage  and  drowning  sailors. 
Between  the  natives  of  the  provinces  of  Kwangtung 
and  Fuhkien  there  has  always  been  a standing  feud, 
and  the  horrors  of  the  situation  were  increased  on 
this  occasion  by  the  fact  that  as  the  Kwangtung 
sailors  scrambled  up  to  the  shore  they  were  mur- 
dered by  their  Fuhkien  countrymen.  So  complete 
was  the  disaster  that  it  might  fairly  be  considered 
impossible  that  even  a Chinaman  could  have  de- 
scribed it  otherwise  than  as  a defeat.  But  Chang 
B’eilun  was  equal  to  the  occasion,  and  with  splendid 
mendacity  reported  to  the  throne  that  he  had  gained 
a complete  victory  over  the  French,  and  had  sunk 
several  of  their  ships.  The  facts,  however,  which 
immediately  transpired  were  too  plain  to  make  any 
such  statement  credible,  and  Chang  P’eilun  escaped 
execution  by  accepting  transportation  to  the  frontier. 
Being  a protege  of  Li  Hungchang,  his  exile  was  only 
temporary,  and  before  long  he  returned  to  marry  Li’s 
daughter,  and  to  take  an  active  part  in  the  manage- 
ment of  his  patron’s  concerns. 

After  his  exploit  in  the  Foochow  harbour  Admiral 
Courbet,  after  having  made  five  unsuccessful  attacks 
on  the  forts  near  Kelung,  at  length  succeeded  in 
taking  them  (March,  1885),  and  further  occupied  the 
Pescadores.  In  Tongking,  however,  the  French  cause 
was  not  so  successful.  A system  of  guerilla  warfare, 
while  it  failed  to  bring  glory  to  the  Tricolour,  had  an 
exhausting  effect  on  the  troops,  and  it  was  found 
necessary  in  April  to  evacuate  Langson.  Both  sides 
were  now  heartily  tired  of  the  war,  and  the  Tsungli 
Yamen  was  relieved  to  hear  from  Sir  Robert  Hart 


408  the  first  years  of  KWANCHStj. 

that  the  negotiations  which  they  had  authorised  him 
to  carry  on  with  M.  Billot  in  Paris  had  been  brought 
to  a successful  issue.  The  announcement  of  this 
welcome  conclusion  of  peace  was  made  by  Sir  Robert 
Hart  in  an  enigmatic  fashion  which  is  so  much 
affected  by  the  Chinese.  Sir  Robert  called  one  day 
at  the  Tsungli  Yamen,  and,  addressing  the  ministers, 
said  : “ Nine  months  ago  you  authorised  me  to  open 


INTERIOR  OF  THE  TSUNGLI  YAMEN,  PEKING. 


negotiations  for  peace,  and  now ” “ The  baby  is 

born,”  said  the  ministers  before  he  could  proceed 
further.  “ Yes,”  said  Sir  Robert,  “ the  preliminaries 
of  peace  are  arranged.”  Congratulations  followed, 
and  it  was  agreed  that  the  details  of  the  treaty 
should  be  left  to  the  consideration  of  Li  Hungchang 
and  M.  Patenotre,  the  French  Minister  at  Peking. 
On  the  9th  of  June,  1885,  the  treaty  was  signed  by 


THE  COXCLUSION  OF  PEACE  4O9 

these  plenipotentiaries,  and  it  is  eminently  confirma- 
tory ot  Li’s  prescience  that  after  a year’s  conflict, 
which  had  cost  his  country  60,000,000  taels  and  the 
loss  of  the  Foochow  fleet,  the  Chinese  Government 
had  been  willing  to  accept  terms  almost  identical 
with  those  which  he  had  arranged  with  Fournier  in 
the  preceding  year. 

IMeanwhile  disturbances  had  again  broken  out  in 
Korea.  Notwithstanding  the  Imperial  assertion  that 
the  transportation  of  the  Taiwen  Kun  was  to  be  for 
life,  he  was,  in  a moment  of  weakness,  allowed  to 
return  to  his  native  country.  The  result  of  this 
manumission  was  disastrous.  He  found  on  his 
return  to  his  familiar  haunts  that  the  King  had 
in  his  absence  introduced  extensive  reforms,  and 
amongst  others  a postal  system  modelled  on  Euro- 
pean lines.  To  this  and  all  other  innovations  he 
was,  as  ever,  determined  to  offer  strenuous  opposi- 
tion, and,  by  skilful  intrigue,  he  so  contrived  that  on 
the  occasion  of  a dinner  giv'en  to  celebrate  the 
inauguration  of  the  new  post  office,  a band  of 
rebels  was  introduced  into  the  banqueting-hall,  who 
attempted  to  lay  violent  hands  on  the  King.  For 
some  days  fighting  in  the  capital  continued  between 
the  two  contending  parties,  the  reformers  and  the 
reactionists,  and  in  the  course  of  the  hostilities  a 
determined  attack  was  made  on  the  Japanese  Lega- 
tion, when  for  the  second  time  the  minister  and  his 
staff  had  to  fight  their  way  to  the  coast.  In  response 
to  this  outrage,  and  in  defence  of  their  national 
honour,  the  Japanese  landed  a force  at  Chemulpo, 
the  port  of  Seoul ; while  at  the  same  time  a Chinese 


410  THE  FIRST  YE. IRS  OF  KWANGHSU. 

army  entered  the  Korean  capital.  The  situation  of 
1882  was  thus  repeated,  and,  as  on  that  occasion,  it 
seemed  only  too  probable  that  the  two  protecting 
powers  would  be  drawn  into  a war.  Happily  the 
danger  was  averted,  and  negotiations  between  the 
two  states  were  entered  upon  at  Tientsin,  Count  I to 
representing  Japan  and  Li  Hungchang  China. 

After  considerable  discussion  a convention  was 
signed  by  which  it  was  agreed  that  both  China  and 
Japan  should  withdraw  their  troops  from  Korea 
within  four  months  of  the  date  of  the  signature  of 
the  treaty  ; that  the  King  of  Korea  should  be 
invited  to  instruct  and  drill  a sufficient  armed  force 
to  assure  the  public  security  of  the  kingdom  ; and 
that  “in  case  of  any  disturbance  of  a grave  nature 
occurring  in  Korea,  which  may  oblige  the  respective 
countries  or  either  of  them  to  send  troops  to  Korea, 
it  is  hereby  understood  that  they  shall  give,  each  to 
the  other,  previous  notice  in  writing  of  their  intention 
so  to  do,  and  that  after  the  matter  is  settled  they 
shall  withdraw  their  troops  and  not  further  station 
them  in  the  country.”  This  last  clause  is  worthy  of 
attention,  as  it  was  the  infringement  of  it,  or  alleged 
infringement  of  it,  on  the  part  of  China,  which  led 
to  the  outbreak  of  the  recent  war  with  Japan. 

The  war  with  France  which  had  lately  been  brought 
to  a close,  and  the  threatened  hostilities  with  Japan, 
awoke,  for  a moment,  at  Peking  a desire  to  strengthen 
the  forces  of  the  country.  Ships  were  added  to  the 
navy,  and  advice  poured  in  from  Censors  and  others 
as  to  the  best  means  of  protecting  the  Empire  against 
foreign  foes.  A Board  of  Admiralty  was  instituted 


^/A  rAL  ECCENTRICITIES 


41 


of  which  Prince  Ch’un,  the  father  of  the  Emperor, 
was  made  first  lord,  and  so  seriously  did  he  regard 
his  position  that  in  the  summer  of  1886  he  took  the 
unprecedented  step  of  leaving  the  capital  to  inspect 
the  fleet  and  arsenals  at  Tientsin  and  Port  Arthur. 
Under  this  new  naval  administration  Captain  Lang, 
of  the  British  navy,  was  appointed  admiral  of  the 
northern  fleet,  which  by  that  curious  system  of 
decentralisation  which  prevails  in  China  was  alone 
placed  under  the  control  of  Prince  Ch’un  and  his 
colleagues,  the  southern  fleet,  with  its  headquarters 
at  Foochow,  being  administered  by  the  local  pro- 
vincial magnates.  This  curious  arrangement  led  to 
some  strange  results  in  the  recent  war  with  Japan. 
At  Wei-hai-wei,  when  the  Chinese  fleet  surrendered, 
a ship  of  the  southern  squadron  happened  by  chance 
to  be  amongst  them.  The  captain  of  this  vessel,  not 
in  the  least  understanding  why  he  should  be  held  a 
prisoner  when  his  presence  with  the  northern  fleet 
had  been  the  result  of  an  accident,  represented  his 
case  to  the  Japanese  admiral,  and  requested  that  he 
and  his  ship  should  be  released  as  otherwise  he  might 
fall  under  the  censure  of  his  superiors  ! 

The  year  1886  was  a busy  year  in  foreign  politics, 
more  especially  so  far  as  relations  with  Great  Britain 
were  concerned.  At  this  time  King  Thebaw’s  mis- 
doings had  led  to  our  occupation  of  Upper  Burma,  a 
territory  over  which  China  claimed  suzerain  rights. 
With  that  tender  regard  for  the  feelings  of  the 
Emperor  and  his  ministers  which  has  always  dis- 
tinguished our  Foreign  Office,  it  was  agreed  that  if 
China  would  consent  no  longer  to  interfere  in 


412  THE  FIRST  YEARS  OF  AAYAyGHSL/. 

Burmese  politics,  the  decennial  tribute  mission 
should  continue  to  be  despatched  to  Peking.  The 
folly  of  this  arrangement  soon  became  apparent. 
Since  1842  our  main  endeavour  in  dealing  with  the 
Chinese  had  been  to  bring  home  to  their  conscious- 
ness the  fact  that  as  a nation  we  were  to  be  treated 
on  terms  of  perfect  equality  with  themselves.  At 
this  eleventh  hour,  therefore,  to  proclaim  ourselves 
tributary  to  Peking  was  one  of  those  acts  of  folly 
which  are  to  be  accounted  for  only  by  presupposing 
on  the  part  of  the  Foreign  Office  a complete  ignor- 
ance of  Asiatics  and  their  modes  of  thought.  With 
a return  to  a more  reasonable  mind  the  arrange- 
ment was  discontinued. 

The  latest  outbreak  in  Korea,  described  above,  had 
disquieted  other  countries  besides  China  and  Japan. 
The  Russians  protested  that  such  disturbances,  recurr- 
ing at  such  short  intervals,  presented  a danger  to  the 
peace  of  their  provinces  across  the  frontier  which  was 
not  to  be  endured,  and  there  were  not  wanting  the 
usual  signs  of  a threatened  move  southwards  on  the 
part  of  the  Colossus  of  the  North.  In  these  circum- 
stances our  Admiralty  determined,  as  a protective 
measure,  to  occupy  Port  Hamilton,  an  island  off  the 
southern  coast  of  Korea.  In  obedience  to  the  follow- 
ing laconic  telegram  “ Occupy  Port  Hamilton,  and 
report  proceedings,”  Admiral  Sir  William  Dowell 
hoisted  the  British  flag  on  the  island.  This  move 
aroused,  as  might  have  been  expected,  considerable 
Russian  opposition,  and  the  Czar’s  minister  at  Peking 
was  instructed  to  warn  the  Chinese  that  if  the 
occupation  was  persisted  in,  Russia  would  be  com- 


RESTORATION  OF  PORT  HAMILTON 


413 


pelled  to  take  possession  of  a similar  foothold  in  self- 
defence.  Happily  under  the  influence  of  the  Ito  and 
Li  Convention  a more  peaceful  state  of  affairs  had 
supervened  in  Korea,  and  the  British  Government 
felt  justified,  under  the  favourably  altered  circum- 
stances, in  yielding  the  point.  It  was,  however,  laid 
down  as  a condition  of  the  restoration  of  the  island, 
that  under  no  circumstances  whatever  should  it  at 
any  time  be  handed  over  to  any  other  foreign  Power, 
and  simultaneously  the  Chinese  Government  ex- 
tracted from  the  Russian  minister  a categorical 
undertaking  that  his  country  would  not,  under 
any  circumstances,  interfere  with  Korean  territory. 
On  February  27,  1887,  the  British  flag  ceased  to  fly 
over  Port  Hamilton. 

The  year  which  followed  was  an  uneventful  one  as 
far  as  foreign  politics  are  concerned,  but  the  internal 
affairs  of  the  Empire  gave  plenty  of  occupation  to 
the  Emperor’s  ministers.  The  reforms  in  the  army 
were  still  being  carried  on,  although  in  the  usual 
ineffective  Oriental  way.  How  deplorable  was  the 
condition  of  this  branch  of  the  service  may  be 
inferred  from  memorials  presented  to  the  Throne 
at  this  time.  The  Governor  of  Shensi  proposed 
to  inspect  the  troops  of  the  province,  who  for 
thirty  years  had  never  presented  themselves  on  the 
parade  ground.  The  troops  in  the  province  of 
Yunnan  were  perhaps  not  quite  in  so  parlous  a 
condition.  They  were,  however,  mainly  armed  with 
bows  and  arrows,  and  the  Governor  with  some  show 
of  reason  reminded  his  Imperial  master  that  though 
archery  is  a good  gymnastic  exercise,  the  weapons 


4H  the  first  years  of  kwanghsu. 

■with  which  battles  are  won  are  rifles  and  cannon, 
and  he  therefore  proposed  to  arm  his  men,  so  far  as 
possible,  with  these  weapons.  Doubtless  the  miser- 
able condition  of  the  army  is  attributable  to  the  fact 
that  at  earlier  periods  the  enemies  whom  the  Chinese 
have  been  accustomed  to  meet  have  been  even  worse 
armed  and  worse  drilled  than  themselves. 

At  the  time  of  which  we  speak  a war  was  being 
waged  in  Hainan  against  the  aboriginal  tribes  who 
inhabit  and  disturb  that  island.  After  many  engage- 
ments and  a lengthened  campaign,  the  Chinese 
general  announced  the  suppression  of  the  revolt 
and  received  from  the  Emperor  characteristic 
rewards  for  his  martial  valour.  His  Majesty  pre- 
sented him  with  a jade  thumb-ring,  a dagger  with 
a jade  handle,  a pair  of  large  pouches  and  a pair 
of  small  ones.  An  incidental  reference  in  the 
general’s  despatch  to  the  unhealthiness  of  the 
climate  and  the  malarious  evils  arising  from  it 
awakened  the  sympathy  of  the  Dowager  Empress, 
who  was  good  enough  to  present  the  army  with  ten 
boxes  of  P'ingan  Tan,  or  “.pills  of  peace  and 
tranquillit}’.” 

In  the  beginning  of  1887  an  announcement  was 
‘ made  that  that  the  young  Emperor  having  now 
reached  years  of  discretion,  that  is  to  say  the 
ripe  age  of  sixteen,  he  would  accept  the  reins  of 
power.  But  this  apparently  did  not  harmonise 

with  the  wishes  of  the  “ Son  of  Heaven.”  “ When 
I heard  of  the  decree,”  he  wrote  in  his  Edict  in 
response,  “ I trembled  as  if  I were  in  mid-ocean,  not 
^ knowing-where  the  land  is.  Her  Majesty  will,  how- 


THE  DOWAGER  EMPRESS 


415 


ever,  continue  to  advise  me  for  a few  years  longer  in 
important  affairs  of  State.  I shall  not  dare  to  be 
indolent,  and,  in  obedience  to  the  Empress’s  com- 
mand, I have  petitioned  heaven,  earth,  and  my 
ancestors,  that  I may  assume  the  adminstration 
of  the  Government  in  person  on  the  15th  day  of 
the  first  moon  in  the  thirteenth  year  of  my  reign. 
Guided  by  the  counsel  of  her  Majesty,  everything 
will  be  done  with  care.”  As  a matter  of  fact  the 
Dowager  Empress  did  not  retire  from  the  control  of 
affairs  until  1889,  and  even  since  then  she  has  exer- 
cised considerable  influence  in  the  administration  of 
the  Empire.  It  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  that  the 
Emperor  desired  to  put  off  as  long  as  possible  the 
weight  of  government.  The  life  of  a “ Son  of 
Heaven  ” is  certainly  not  to  be  envied.  With  rare 
exceptions  he  remains  a State  prisoner  within  the 
palace  walls,  and  even  on  the  Progresses  which  he  is 
occasionally  called  upon  to  make,  the  heavy  duties 
of  his  position  are  still  constantly  with  him.  Even 
at  the  time  when  the  Dowager  Empress  shared  his 
responsibilities,  his  duties  were  onerous,  and  from 
notices  which  appeared  in  the  Peking  Gazette  some 
idea  of  his  official  thraldom  can  be  gained.  In 
March,  1887,  he  visited  the  tombs  of  his  ancestors 
in  the  Western  Hills,  and  each  day  at  fixed  hours 
batches  of  memorials  were  sent  after  him  to  occupy 
his  leisure  moments  at  the  halting-places.  On  arriv- 
ing at  the  mausolea  he  performed  at  the  tombs  the 
sacrifices  which  were  necessary  for  the  repose  of  the 
dead,  who,  if  his  object  were  gained,  would  appear  to 
have  been  the  only  ones  benefited  by  the  process. 


41 6 THE  FIRST  YEARS  OF  AAVAHCHSl/. 


For  weeks  beforehand  the  people  living  on  the  high- 
way were  charged  with  the  duty  of  repairing  the 
road  and  mending  the  bridges.  This  duty  they,  on 
this  occasion,  failed  to  perform  to  the  complete  satis- 
faction of  the  traveller,  who  made  a formal  complaint 
that  he  had  observed  wheel  tracks  on  the  roadway 
over  which  his  chariot  should  have  been  the  first  to 
travel. 

It  must  always  be  a matter  of  wonder  how  the 
national  accounts,  being  of  an  extremely  fluctuating 
nature,  can  ever  be  made  to  balance.  In  the  year  of 
which  we  are  speaking  the  Yellow  River  was  more 
than  usually  capricious  in  its  ebb  and  flow.  On 
several  occasions  it  burst  its  banks  and  flooded  the 
country  far  and  wide.  As  a natural  consequence 
farms  were  desolated  and  whole  villages  were  swept 
away.  From  people  in  such  straits  it  was  plainly 
impossible  to  expect  payment  of  taxes,  and  neither 
from  the  provinces  of  Honan  nor  Shantung  was  a 
tithe  of  the  usual  revenue  received.  The  currency 
also  is  of  so  variable  a value  that  large  losses  are 
constantly  incurred  by  the  mints,  and  Kwanghsu’s 
ministers  had  not  only  to  bear  the  brunt  of  a mone- 
tary crisis  in  Peking,  but  had  to  meet  the  conse- 
quences of  several  financial  panics  in  different  parts 
of  the  Empire.  At  Foochow,  as  elsewhere,  the  local 
banks  had  issued  paper  currency  far  beyond  the  due 
proportion  of  reserve  coin  in  their  chests.  The 
natural  results  followed,  and  as  the  banks  closed 
their  doors  they  were  attacked  by  angry  mobs  who 
wrecked  them  utterly,  and  attempted,  vainly,  to 
recompense  themselves  by  plunder  for  the  losses 


AN  IMPERIAL  EXHORTATION 


417 


they  had  sustained.  In  the  midst  of  these  money 
difficulties  the  Emperor,  in  a lofty  manner,  issued  an 
edict  calling  upon  his  officials  to  exercise  the 
strictest  economy  in  the  administration  of  the 
Empire,  and  warning  the  Court  mandarins  to  avoid 
all  unnecessary  expenditure  in  the  palace  ceremonies, 
for,  as  he  said,  “ the  Court  should  stand  forth  as  an 
example  of  frugality  to  the  whole  nation.” 

At  this  time  the  war  with  France  had  given  a great 
impetus  to  the  extension  of  telegraphs  throughout 
the  Empire,  and  in  1887  the  line  was  completed 
which  connected  Peking  with  the  capital  of  Yunnan, 
the  extreme  south-westerly  province  in  the  Empire. 
The  old-fashioned  notion  that  the  fcngshui  of  the 
districts  through  which  the  wires  passed  would  be 
affected  by  their  presence  had  ceased  to  exist,  and 
there  were  not  wanting  signs  that  the  days  of  that 
venerable  superstition  were  numbered.  At  Jehol  in 
Mongolia  large  quarries  were  opened  for  Imperial 
purposes,  and,  to  prevent  all  misunderstandings,  an 
order  was  issued  by  Li  Hungchang  that  no  one  should 
dare  to  suggest  that  the  disturbance  of  the  earth’s 
surface  would  in  any  way  affect  the  fengsJmi  of  the 
neighbourhood.  In  this  he  was  implicitly  obeyed,  as 
he  had  also  been  in  the  case  of  the  K’aip’ing  railway, 
and  the  Emperor  got  his  stone  without  arousing  any 
of  that  opposition  which  twenty  years  ago  would, 
under  similar  circumstances,  have  been  rampant. 

Notwithstanding  the  Emperor’s  protest  in  favour 
of  economy,  the  year  1887  was  marked  by  the  pre- 
paration of  several  magnificent  Court  ceremonies. 
Since  the  Emperor  had  been  declared  to  be  of  age, 

28 


41 8 THE  FIRST  YEARS  OF  KWANGHSU 

it  was  necessary  that  he  should  think  of  taking  to 
himself  a consort,  and  under  the  direction  of  the 
Dowager  Empress  he  arranged  to  espouse  a young 
lady  named  Yehonala,  the  daughter  of  the  Empress’s 
brother,  General  Kweihsiang  ; and  after  the  manner 
of  the  country  it  was  determined  that  he  should  also 
take  to  himself  two  concubines,  who  owned  to  the 
youthful  ages  of  thirteen  and  fifteen.  For  rather 
more  than  a year  the  Emperor  was  left  to  enjoy 
the  pleasures  of  anticipation,  and  it  was  not  till 
March,  1889,  that  the  Imperial  wedding  took  place. 
The  officials  of  the  Astronomical  Board  chose,  as  was 
their  duty,  a day  which  was  believed  to  augur  well 
for  the  happiness  of  the  young  couple,  but  in  a 
moment  of  carelessness  announced  that  the  usual 
preparatory  worship  would  be  offered  two  days 
before,  instead  of  one  day  before,  the  ceremony. 
For  this  error  they  were  roundly  taken  to  task 
by  the  Dowager  Empress,  who,  being  a staunch 
ceremonialist,  decreed  that  they  should  suffer  severe 
penalities  for  their  mistake.  By  an  Imperial  Edict 
the  rites  and  ceremonies  which  were  to  be  carefully 
observed  consisted  of  seven  parts.  First  came  the 
sending  of  presents  ; then  the  actual  marriage ; 
next  the  joint  worship  of  their  ancestors  by  the 
Imperial  pair  ; the  conferring  a patent  as  Empress 
on  the  bride ; her  presentation  to  the  Dowager 
Empress  ; the  reception  of  felicitations ; and  an 
Imperial  banquet. 

Honours  in  commemoration  of  the  event  were 
bestowed  on  Sir  Robert  Hart  and  numberless  other 
officials,  while  the  carriers  of  the  bride’s  sedan-chair 


THE  emperor’s  MARRIAGE  419 

and  even  the  torchbearers  who  attended  upon  her 
received  royal  largess.  With  this  final  assumption  of 
manhood  the  Emperor  passed  out  of  the  leading 
strings  by  which  the  Empress  Tziihsi  had  so  long 
directed  his  course,  and  one  of  the  first  of  his  new 
duties  was  to  prepare  a palace  for  the  reception  of 
the  ex-Regent.  The  choice  of  his  residence  had,  as 
we  are  told  in  the  Peking  Gazette,  been  a subject  of 
long  and  anxious  consideration  to  the  Emperor,  who, 
in  well-rounded  sentences,  declared  in  a decree  his 
anxiety  to  procure  for  her  Majesty  a place  of  rest 
and  peace  after  the  eighteen  wearisome  years  of 
adminstration  which  had  fallen  to  her  lot.  In  an 
appreciative  edict  the  Empress  returned  the  com- 
pliments paid  her  by  the  Sovereign,  and  took  the 
opportunity  of  giving  utterance  to  the  following 
excellent  advice  : “ The  Emperor  is  now  advancing 
to  manhood,  and  the  greatest  respect  which  he  can 
pay  to  us  will  be  to  discipline  his  own  body,  to 
develop  his  mind,  to  pay  unremitting  attention 
to  the  administration  of  the  Government,  and 
to  love  his  people.”  From  all  accounts  the  young 
Emperor  has  endeavoured  to  obey  these  wholesome 
admonitions,  and  from  the  records  of  his  daily  life 
there  seems  to  be  very  little  time  left  for  the  enjoy- 
ment of  the  pleasures  of  existence  after  he  has 
shown  his  love  for  his  people  by  attending  to  the 
adminstration  of  the  Empire.  The  following  pro- 
gramme of  a by  no  means  uncommon  morning’s 
work  is  enough  to  justify  this  assertion.  At  2 a.m. 
he  leaves  the  palace  for  the  Temple  of  Earth, 
where  he  sacrifices  to  the  gods  of  the  five  grains. 


and,  after  having  offered  up  the  usual  prayers, 
returns  to  the  palace  to  receive  the  reports  of  his 
ministers  and  to  discuss  the  affairs  of  the  Empire. 


420  THE  FIRST  YEARS  OF  AAVAHGHSU 


At  4 a.m.  he  returns  to  the  palace,  where  he  betakes 
of  an  early  breakfast ; and  then  proceeds  to  the 
Temple  of  the  God  of  Fire,  where  he  burns  incensei 


A GRACIOUS  EDICT 


42 


The  years  during  which  the  Dowager  Empress  had 
held  the  reins  of  power  had  been  full  of  difficulties 
and  anxieties,  and  it  says  much  for  her  ability  that 
she  was  able  to  steer  the  ship  of  State  in  safety 
through  the  ruffled  waters  of  the  time.  The  assump- 
tion of  power  by  Kwanghsii  brought  no  relief  to  this 
strain.  Local  rebellions  immediately  broke  out  in 
the  provinces  of  Yunnan  and  Hunan  and  among  the 
bordering  tribes  of  Lolos  ; and  though  these  were 
successfully  suppressed,  the  peace  of  the  country  was 
for  a time  seriously  disturbed. 

During  the  long  minority  of  the  Emperor  the 
foreign  ministers  at  Peking  had  been  obliged  to  forego 
the  right  of  audience.  But,  as  in  the  case  of 
T’ungchih,  the  time  had  now  arrived  when  they  might 
fairly  ask  to  be  received  by  the  “ Son  of  Heaven.” 
Having,  however,  intimated  their  desire  to  appear  in 
the  Imperial  presence  they  took  no  other  step  to 
accomplish  their  desire,  and  without  further  negotia- 
tions the  following  edict  appeared  in  the  PeJdng 
Gazette  the  12th  of  December,  1890:  “Since  the 
treaties  have  been  made  with  the  various  nations 
letters  and  despatches  under  the  seals  of  the  Govern- 
ments have  passed  to  and  fro,  making  complimentary 
inquiries  year  by  year  without  intermission.  The 
harmony  which  has  existed  has  become  thus  from 
time  to  time  more  and  more  secure.  The  ministers 
of  the  various  Powers  residing  at  Peking  have  abun- 
dantly shown  their  loyal  desire  to  maintain  peaceful 
relations  and  international  friendship.  This  I cordially 
recognise,  and  I rejoice  in  it.  In  the  first  and  second 
months  of  last  year,  when  there  were  special  reasons 


422  THE  FIRST  YEARS  OF  K WANG  HSU 

for  expressing  national  joy,  I received  a gracious 
decree  (from  the  Empress  Dowager)  ordering  the 
ministers  of  the  Yamen  for  Foreign  Affairs  to  enter- 
tain the  ministers  of  foreign  nations  at  a banquet. 
That  occasion  was  a memorable  and  happy  one.  I 
have  now  been  in  charge  of  the  Government  for  two 
years.  The  ministers  of  foreign  Powers  ought  to  be 
received  by  me  at  an  audience,  and  I hereby  decree 
that  the  audience  to  be  held  be  in  accordance  with 
that  of  the  twelfth  year  of  the  reign  of  T’ungchih 
(1873).  It  is  also  hereby  decreed  that  a day  will  be 
fixed  every  year  for  an  audience,  in  order  to  show  my 
desire  to  treat  with  honour  all  the  ministers  of  foreign 
Powers  resident  in  Peking.  . . . The  ministers  of  the 
Yamen  for  Foreign  Affairs  are  hereby  ordered  to 
prepare  in  the  first  month  of  the  ensuing  new  year  a 
memorial  asking  that  the  time  for  the  audience  may 
be  fixed.  On  the  next  day  the  foreign  ministers  are 
to  be  received  at  a banquet  at  the  Foreign  Office. 
The  same  is  to  be  done  every  year  in  the  first  month, 
and  the  rules  will  be  the  same  on  each  occasion. 
New  ministers  coming  will  be  received  at  this  annual 
audience.  At  all  times  of  national  congratulation, 
when  China  and  the  foreign  countries  give  suitable 
expression  to  their  joy,  the  ministers  of  the  Foreign 
Office  are  to  present  a memorial  asking  for  the 
bestowal  of  a banquet  to  show  the  sincere  and  in- 
creasing desire  of  the  Imperial  Government  for  the 
maintenance  of  peace  and  the  best  possible  relations 
between  China  and  the  foreign  States,” 

The  fact  that  this  decree  was  published  spontane- 
ously, and  that  the  terms  in  which  it  was  dictated 


CUKKENT  COIN, 


424  THE  FIRST  YEARS  OF  KWANGHSU 

evinced  a desire  for  friendly  relations,  encouraged  the 
foreign  ministers  to  hope  that  a brighter  day  was 
dawning  on  their  relations  with  the  Imperial  Govern- 
ment. These  anticipations,  however,  were  not  destined 
to  find  fulfilment  at  once.  The  building  named  for 
the  ceremony  was  the  same  hall  dedicated  to  inferior 
uses  as  that  in  which  T’ungchih  received  the  diplomatic 
bod)^  in  1873,  respect  an  act  was  at  this 

time  imposed  which  formed  a distinct  relapse  from 
the  level  reached  in  1873.  that  year  the  ministers 
placed  their  letters  of  credence  with  their  own  hands 
on  the  table  in  front  of  the  Emperor’s  throne.  Now 
they  were  expected  to  hand  them  to  an  attendant 
prince,  who,  in  this  respect,  acted  in  their  stead. 
Though  this  change  may  appear  insignificant  to 
WTstern  minds,  it  meant  much,  and  it  was  intended  to 
mean  much,  to  the  native  onlookers  who  crowded  the 
outskirts  of  the  hall  in  an  inconvenient  and  especially 
indecorous  manner.  The  Emperor’s  reply  to  the 
congratulations  of  his  visitors  was  most  cordial,  and 
his  manner  was  then,  as  it  always  has  been  since,  as 
courteous  as  circumstances  permitted.  On  the  whole, 
however,  the  audience  cannot  be  said  to  have  come 
up  to  what  might  reasonably  have  been  expected, 
and  the  ministers  on  reviewing  their  position  came  to 
the  determination  that  in  future  they  would  rather 
forego  the  right  of  audience  than  present  themselves 
again  in  the  Tzu-kwang  Ko.  The  result  of  this 
decision  might  have  taught  them  the  very  useful 
lesson  that  if  they  had  previously  shown  an  equally 
firm  front,  they  need  never  have  submitted  to  the 
degradations  to  which  they  had  been  subjected.  In 


THE  AUDIENCE  QUESTION  SETTLED  425 

the  following  year  both  the  Austrian  Minister  and,  a 
little  later,  Mr.  O’Connor,  the  British  Representative, 
were  received  by  the  Emperor  in  the  Cheng-Kwang 
Tien,  a building  which,  though  outside  the  palace, 
had  never  been  used  as  a reception-hall  for  envoys 
from  tributary  States. 

But  what  diplomacy  had  failed  to  accomplish  in 
this  matter,  political  complications  brought  about 
without  discussion.  The  war  with  Japan  inclined 
the  Chinese  Government  to  seek  for  the  countenance, 
if  not  the  support,  of  the  European  Powers  by 
granting  timely  concessions,  and  in  November,  1894, 
the  following  edict  appeared  in  the  Peking  Gazette  : 
“ On  Monday  last  the  Emperor  gave  audience  in  the 
Wenhwa  Tien  to  the  following  ministers  : American, 
Russian,  English,  French,  Belgian,  Swedish,  and  the 
Acting  Minister  for  Spain.”  The  hall  here  mentioned 
stands  within  the  walls  of  the  Imperial  Palace,  and 
thus  for  the  first  time  an  audience  was  granted  in  a 
manner  which  demonstrated  the  equality  with  China 
of  the  nations  represented.  Since  then,  however, 
events  have  marched  apace,  and  foreigners,  taking 
advantage  of  the  weakness  of  the  Empire,  have 
occupied  strategic  positions  which  until  now  have 
been  beyond  the  dreams  of  their  ambition.  The 
attitude  of  the  Emperor  towards  foreign  Sovereigns 
reflects  this  changed  position  of  affairs,  and  we  are 
now  told  (May,  1898)  that  Prince  Henry  of  Germany 
was  received  by  the  Emperor  standing,  and  was 
honoured  by  a return  visit  from  the  “ Son  of 
Heaven  ”! 

It  is  necessary  now,  in  order  to  preserve  the  general 


426  THE  FIRST  YEARS  OF  KWANGHSU 

chronology  and  sequence  of  events,  to  revert  to  the 
year  1887.  For  some  time  it  had  been  felt  by  the 
less  bigoted  members  of  the  Imperial  Government 
that  use  should  be  made  of  European  science  to 
enable  the  authorities  to  place  their  country  in  a 
position  of  safety.  As  long  ago  as  1866  Prince  Kung 
and  others  had  presented  a memorial  to  the  Throne 
recommending  the  study  of  mathematics  for  Chinese 
students,  and  advising  the  Emperor  to  found  a col- 
lege at  Peking  where  that  and  cognate  sciences  might 
be  taught.  The  college  was  established  and  European 
professors  were  appointed.  But  this  reform  was  in 
advance  of  the  age,  and  failed  of  the  success  which 
it  had  been  hoped  it  might  achieve.  Twenty-one 
years  later  a more  practical  step  was  taken  in  the 
same  direction,  and  the  Tsungli  Yamen  in  1887 
presented  a united  request  to  the  Throne  that  mathe- 
matics should  be  included  in  the  list  of  subjects 
required  from  students  at  the  competitive  examina- 
tions. The  Imperial  assent  was  given  to  this  proposal, 
and  with  more  or  less  cordiality,  in  accordance  with 
the  proclivities  of  the  officials  of  each  province,  the 
new  subject  has  been  placed  side  by  side  with  the 
“ Book  of  Changes  ” and  the  “ Sayings  of  Confucius.” 
No  doubt  this  innovation  was  eminently  distasteful 
to  the  general  body  of  Literati^  whose  instincts  and 
interests  are  bound  up  in  the  continuance  of  the 
existing  condition  of  things.  To  these  men  any  con- 
cession to  foreigners,  or  any  adoption  of  Western 
appliances,  is  hateful,  and  with  one  consent  large 
bodies  of  them  banded  themselves  together  to  oppose 
the  foreign  taint  by  every  means  in  their  power. 


A CHINESE  PROFESSOR, 


428  THE  FIRST  YEARS  OF  KWANGHSU 

Of  all  the  provinces  in  the  Empire  Hunan  has, 
until  within  the  last  few  months,  shown  the  most 
determined  and  implacable  distaste  for  everything 
European,  and  in  1891  there  proceeded  from  this 
hotbed  of  reactionism  a series  of  vile  anti-foreimi 

o 

placards  accusing  the  European  missionaries  of  every 
crime  which  disgraces  humanity.  The  prime  mover 
in  the  publication  of  these  gross  libels  was  a certain 
Chow  Han,  who  was  of  official  rank  and  was  pos- 
sessed of  considerable  scholarship.  With  the  fiercest 
invective  he  described  how  missionaries  gouged  out 
the  eyes  of  their  converts,  and  cut  out  parts  of  their 
intestines  for  medicinal  purposes,  and  how  they  led 
astray  the  unsuspecting  natives  by  their  vile  arts  and 
evil  designs.  These  placards  were  profusely  illus- 
trated, and  every  device  was  employed  to  cast  obloquy 
both  on  the  missionaries  and  on  the  Supreme  Being 
whom  they  worshipped.  It  happens  that  the  term 
which  the  Roman  Catholics  use  for  God,  T'ienchu,  or 
“ Lord  of  Heaven,”  is  almost  identical  in  sound  with 
words  meaning  the  “ Heavenly  Pig,”  and  it  suited  the 
fancy  of  these  impious  caricaturists  to  represent  the 
Deity  under  this  infamous  disguise.  An  expression 
for  “ Foreigners,”  Yangjen,  might,  in  the  same  way,  be 
understood  to  mean  “ Goat  Men,”  and  this  play  on 
words  was  in  the  same  way  abundantly  made  use  of 
by  Chow  Han  and  his  confederates.  On  the  basis  of 
these  slanders,  rumours  were  circulated  that  children 
were  being  kidnapped  and  vivisected  by  the  mission- 
aries, and,  in  consequence,  as  has  always  happened  in 
China  in  similar  circumstances,  the  people  in  their 
ignorance  broke  out  into  riot  and  disorder.  In  rapid 


RIOTS  ON  THE  YANGTSZE 


429 


succession  the  mob  rose  at  Wuhu,  Wuhsueh,  Tanyang, 
Wusieh,  Chingkvvan,  Yangwu,  and  Kiangyen.  Chris- 
tian churches  were  demolished,  the  houses  of  the 
missionaries  were  wrecked  and  looted,  and  at  Wuh- 
sueh two  British  subjects,  one  a missionary  and  one 
an  officer  of  the  Maritime  Customs,  were  murdered. 
In  accordance  with  the  invariable  precedent  in  such 
matters,  the  representations  on  the  subject  made  by 
the  British  Minister  to  the  Tsungli  Yamen  were  met 
with  evasive  replies  ; and  the  Chinese  Minister  at 
St.  James’s  was  even  instructed  to  suggest  to  Lord 
Salisbury  that  he  should  check  the  zeal  of  Sir  John 
Walsham  in  pursuing  his  inquiry  into  the  fo7is  etorigo 
of  the  riots.  So  eminently  unsatisfactory  was  the 
attitude  of  the  Chinese  Gov'ernment  throughout  the 
investigation  that  the  foreign  ministers  at  Peking 
found  themselves  compelled  to  place  on  record  “ that 
no  faith  could  be  put  in  the  assurances  of  the 
Chinese  Government.”  To  this  grav-e  assertion  Sir 
John  Walsham  added,  “ The  charges  (against  the 
mandarins)  remain  unaltered,  and  the  repeated  asser- 
tions of  Chinese  agents  in  foreign  countries  that  the 
Chinese  Government  has  acted  with  good  faith  and 
energy  can  be  disproved  by  facts,  and  are  as  plausible 
as  the  assurances  that  native  officials  might  now  be 
safely  entrusted  with  the  protection  of  foreigners.” 
This  being  the  attitude  of  the  Tsungli  Yamen,  not 
much  could  be  expected  in  the  way  of  compensation 
for  the  outrages.  After  long  and  dreary  negotiations 
certain  monetary  recompense  was  granted,  but  the 
only  official  who  suffered  punishment  was  the  man 
who  at  the  risk  of  his  life  saved  English  women  and 


430  THE  FIRST  YEARS  OF  KWANGHSU 

children  from  the  fury  of  the  mob ! Meanwhile  the 
prime  mover  in  the  whole  matter,  Chow  Han,  was 
allowed  to  remain  at  large,  although  the  Yamen  went 
through  the  form  of  holding  an  inquiry  into  his 
conduct.  A commission  was  appointed  to  adjudicate 
upon  the  charges  brought  against  him,  and  the  result 
of  the  investigation  amounted  to  the  assertion  that 
he  was  a wild,  erratic  creature  whose  actions  were  not 
to  be  regarded  seriously.  Without  hesitation  the 
Yamen  accepted  this  view,  and  left  the  malefactor  at 
liberty  to  work  any  further  mischief  which  might  be 
in  his  power.  The  one  favourable  feature  in  the 
episode  was  the  edict  issued  by  the  Emperor  in 
response  to  a memorial  presented  by  the  Yamen  on 
the  circumstances  connected  with  the  riots.  This 
document  ran  as  follows  : — 

“ The  propagation  of  Christianity  by  foreigners  is 
provided  for  by  treaty,  and  Imperial  decrees  have 
been  issued  to  the  provincial  authorities  to  protect 
the  missionaries  from  time  to  time.  . . . The  doctrine 
of  Christianity  has  for  its  purpose  the  teaching  of 
men  to  be  good.  . . . Peace  and  quiet  should  reign 
among  the  Chinese  and  missionaries.  There  are, 
howev'er,  reckless  fellows  who  fabricate  stories  which 
have  no  foundation  in  fact  for  the  purpose  of  creating 
trouble.  Villains  of  this  class  are  not  few  in  number, 
and  are  to  be  found  everywhere.  The  local  authori- 
ties must  protect  the  lives  and  property  of  foreign 
merchants  and  missionaries  and  prev^ent  bad 
characters  from  doing  them  injury.  . . . Let  this 
decree  be  universally  promulgated  for  the  informa- 
tion of  the  people.” 


POLITICAL  INSINCERITY 


431 


After  the  appearance  of  this  edict  matters  quieted 
down  for  a time  in  the  disturbed  district,  but  a strong 
anti-foreign  feeling  still  existed,  and  two  years  later 
two  Swedish  missionaries  were  murdered  at  Sungpu, 
in  circumstances  which  were  especially  brutal.  But 
the  same  course  of  political  events  which  opened  the 
Imperial  Palace  to  the  foreign  ministers  produced 
a calm  so  far  as  Europeans  were  concerned  in  the 
provinces,  and,  though  outwardly  satisfactory,  this 
peaceful  situation  was  in  one  sense  evidence  of  one 
of  the  worst  features  of  the  attitude  of  the  Chinese 
towards  foreigners.  It  has  always  been  contended 
by  those  who  understand  the  situation  best,  that  as  a 
rule  the  anti-foreign  riots  are  made  to  order,  and  it  is 
at  least  eminently  noticeable  that  they  never  occur 
when  it  is  to  the  interest  of  the  Government  that 
peace  should  reign.  With  the  outbreak  of  the 
Japanese  war  it  became  the  interest  of  the  Chinese 
to  seek  in  every  possible  way  to  conciliate  the  foreign 
Powers,  and  a mot  dordre^  therefore,  went  forth  that 
the  elements  of  disorder  were  to  remain  quiescent. 
So  long  as  the  war  lasted,  outrages  in  China  Proper 
ceased  completely,  and  it  was  not  until  peace  had 
been  signed  that  mob  law  again  prevailed  in  parts  of 
the  central  provinces,  more  especially  in  Szech’uan. 
In  the  capital  of  this  province  every  missionary 
establishment  was  razed  to  the  ground,  and  nearly  a 
hundred  foreigners  were  compelled  to  take  refuge  in 
places  of  safety.  A little  later  in  the  same  year 
(1895)  a peculiarly  savage  onslaught  was  made  on 
the  missionary  settlement  of  Hwashan,  in  the  pro- 
vince of  Fuhkien.  With  the  ordinary  natives  in  the 


432  THE  FIRST  YEARS  OF  KWANGHSU 

neighboufhood  the  missionaries  were  on  excellent 
terms,  but  it  so  happened  that  a local  society  of 
vegetarians,  for  some  quite  unknown  reason,  pro- 
fessed deadly  enmity  to  the  foreigners.  This  state 
of  things  was  perfectly  well  known  to  the  local 
authorities,  who,  however,  took  no  steps  to  check 
the  evil  which  they  saw  to  be  gathering  about  them. 
At  early  dawn  one  morning,  without  any  immediate 
warning,  a band  of  two  or  three  hundred  of  these 
miscreants  attacked  the  station,  and  succeeded  in 
murdering  ten  foreigners  and  wounding  others, 
besides  destroying  the  mission  premises.  This  out- 
rage was  a shock  to  the  sensibilities  of  Europe,  and 
so  strong  were  the  diplomatic  expressions  used  with 
regard  to  it,  that  the  Chinese  Government  showed 
a somewhat  more  complacent  demeanour  than  usual 
in  the  conduct  of  the  subsequent  inquiries.  The 
recent  murder  of  a German  missionary  in  Shantung 
has  been  productive  of  a useful  lesson.  It  has 
brought  a comparatively  new  Power  into  the  field, 
and  has  called  forth  action  on  the  part  of  the 
German  Government  which  is  likely  to  bear  good 
fruit  in  the  future.  As  has  so  often  been  said,  the 
Chinese  will  yield  only  to  force,  and  it  is  by  such 
measures  alone  as  those  now  adopted  in  Shantung, 
that  the  lives  and  goods  of  Christian  missionaries 
will  continue  to  be  preserved  from  harm. 


XTV 

THE  WAR  WITH  JAPAN,  AND  RECENT  EVENTS 

Korean  politics  have,  as  we  have  seen,  constantly 
formed  bones  of  contention  between  the  Chinese 
and  Japanese  Governments.  The  country  has  been 
overrun  at  different  periods  by  the  troops  of  both 
nations,  and  with  that  curious  elasticity  of  obliga- 
tions common  to  the  extreme  East  the  Korean 
Government  has  owned  itself  a feudatory  at  one 
and  the  same  time  of  both  China  and  Japan.  It 
will  be  remembered  that  by  the  convention  signed 
by  Count  I to  and  Li  Hungchang  it  was  agreed  that, 
in  case  circumstances  arose  which  demanded  the 
presence  of  the  troops  of  either  country  in  Korea, 
each  should  send  notice  to  the  other  of  her  intention 
to  land  soldiers.  In  1894  such  a contingency  arose. 
The  Tong  Hak,  or  followers  of  the  Eastern  Doctrine, 
rose  in  revolt  primarily  against  the  Roman  Catholic 
converts,  but  also  against  the  government  of  the 
country.  A force  sent  against  them  from  Seoul 
met  with  a serious  reverse,  and  in  his  difficulty  the 
King,  in  accordance  with  precedent,  appealed  to 
Peking  for  help. 


29 


433 


434  war  with  japan,  and  recent  events 

With  the  contemptuous  disregard  for  international 
obligations  which  distinguishes  the  Chinese,  they  in 
response  to  the  King’s  appeal  landed  troops  in  Korea 
without,  as  the  Japanese  aver,  giving  any  notice  of 
their  intention  so  to  do.  As  a protest  against  this 
step  the  Mikado’s  Government  despatched  a corps 
d'annce  in  all  haste  to  Korea,  and  thus  once  again 
the  troops  of  the  two  states  were  brought  face  to  face 
in  a semi-hostile  attitude.  Neither,  however,  was 
inclined  to  fight,  and  the  Japanese  contented  them- 
selves with  advocating  the  introduction  of  reforms 
into  the  administration  of  the  country.  To  this 
eminently  sensible  course  the  Chinese  took  excep- 
tion, and  warned  the  Japanese  that  all  questions 
relating  to  the  reformation  of  the  country  should 
be  left  in  their  hands.  To  this  political  snub  the 
Japanese  submitted,  and  even  made  no  protest 
against  a further  preposterous  demand  that  all 
men-of-war  flying  the  Mikado’s  flag  should  leave 
the  Chinese  ports  by  the  20th  of  the  July  following. 
Though  so  far  compliant,  the  Japanese  warned  their 
opponents  that  they  should  consider  any  further 
importation  of  troops  into  the  country  as  an  act  of 
war.  They  were,  however,  too  well  versed  in  Chinese 
methods  to  accept  blindly  the  assurances  that  were 
made  them  on  this  point,  and  took  the  reasonable 
precaution  of  sending  three  cruisers  to  the  gulf  of 
Pechihli  to  ensure  the  fulfilment  of  the  under- 
standing. The  event  proved  that  this  measure  was 
justified,  for  on  the  morning  of  the  25th  of  July 
the  Japanese  squadron  encountered  a Chinese  trans- 
port loaded  with  troops,  and  accompanied  by  two 


THE  BATTLE  OF  AS  AN 


435 


men -of- war,  making  for  the  coast  of  Korea.  There 
could  only  be  one  outcome  of  this  breach  of  faith, 
and  the  cruisers  on  both  sides  cleared  for  action. 
In  less  than  an  hour  one  of  the  Chinese  warships 
was  disabled  and  beached,  and  the  other  steamed 
off,  leaving  the  transport  to  be  dealt  with  by  the 
Japanese  commander,  who  signalled  to  the  captain 
to  make  for  a Japanese  port.  To  this  summons 
the  captain  explained  that  he  was  unable  to  comply, 
owing  to  the  attitude  of  the  Chinese  soldiers  on 
board,  who  further  prevented  him  from  leaving  the 
ship  when  he  was  subsequently  warned  to  do  so. 
In  this  deadlock  the  Japanese,  after  a brief  interval, 
hoisted  a red  flag  and  poured  a broadside  into  the 
transport.  The  scene  which  followed  was  one  of 
helpless  terror  and  alarm,  and  before  any  steps  could 
be  taken  to  save  the  life  of  a single  person  on  board, 
the  ship  went  down,  carrying  with  it  most  of  its 
passengers  and  crew. 

This  act  led  to  a declaration  of  war  on  both  sides, 
and  both  Powers  poured  troops  into  Korea.  The 
first  battle  was  fought  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Asan, 
a port  in  the  south-west  of  the  peninsula.  A Chinese 
force  occupied  the  town  commanded  by  General 
Yeh,  who  no  sooner  learnt  of  the  approach  of  the 
Japanese  than  he  marched  off  with  the  bulk  of  his 
forces  to  Pingyang,  a strongly  fortified  position  to 
the  north  of  the  capital,  leaving  his  rearguard  to 
defend  the  city.  The  natural  result  followed.  At 
the  end  of  a brief  skirmish  the  Japanese  took 
possession  of  the  place,  and  after  having  captured 
the  Chinese  stores  and  munitions  of  war,  left  a 


43^  the  war  with  japan,  and  recent  events 

garrison  in  the  forts  and  marched  northwards  in 
the  pursuit  of  the  fugitive  Yeh.  At  Pingyang  Yeh 
had  joined  hands  with  two  corps  d'annee  and  a force 
of  cavalry  which  had  marched  south  from  Manchuria. 
The  position  was  naturally  a strong  one,  and  if  the 
fortifications  had  been  effectively  defended,  it  might 
well  have  withstood  any  attack  that  the  Japanese 
could  have  brought  against  it  But  Yeh  was  ignorant 
as  well  as  being  a coward,  and  when  General  Tso, 
who  was  the  only  brave  and  capable  officer  in  Korea, 
urged  him  to  make  preparations  for  the  defence  of 
the  town  he  laughed  the  necessity  to  scorn.  This 
folly  was  fatal  to  the  Chinese  cause  in  Korea.  From 
the  east,  south,  and  west  three  Japanese  divisions 
converged  on  the  doomed  city.  Early  on  the 
morning  of  the  15th  of  September  the  attacking 
force  arrived  in  position.  This  was  enough  for  the 
redoubtable  Yeh,  who  straightway  performed  another 
strategic  movement  by  marching  his  troops  out  of 
the  north  gate  of  the  city,  and  onwards  with  all  haste 
to  the  Yalu  river,  which  forms  the  northern  boundary 
of  the  kingdom.  This  evil  example  was  followed  by 
General  Wei,  and  Tso  was  thus  left  alone  to  face  the 
enemy  as  best  he  could.  He  fought  well  and  bravely, 
dying  at  the  head  of  his  men,  over  whose  bodies  the 
Japanese  streamed  into  the  city.  It  is  some  satisfac- 
tion to  know  that  for  this  gross  act  of  cowardice 
General  Wei  was  beheaded,  and  that  Yeh,  though  he 
has  by  a liberal  expenditure  of  money  kept  his  head 
on  his  shoulders,  is  still  confined  in  the  Board  of 
Punishments  at  Peking. 

Before  the  fate  of  Pingyang  was  d^cid^d,  the 


NAVAL  ENGAGEMENT 


437 


Chinese  nad  despatched  a strong  force  of  troops 
under  the  convoy  of  the  northern  fleet  to  the  Yalu 
river.  There  they  arrived  in  safety,  and  were  in  the 
act  of  landing  when,  on  the  morning  of  the  17th  of 
September,  the  Japanese  fleet  hove  in  sight.  The 
position  was  one  in  which  Admiral  Ting,  who 
commanded  the  Chinese  fleet,  could  not  resist 


A HOUSE  IN  MANCHURIA. 


fighting,  and  he  steamed  out  to  meet  the  enemy, 
having  marshalled  his  fleet  in  a V-shaped  formation, 
with  two  of  his  most  powerful  ironclads  in  the 
centre.  In  point  of  numbers  the  two  fleets  were 
equal,  twelve  ships  carrying  the  nation’s  flag  in  each 
case.  Both  sides  fought  with  determination,  but,  as 
in  every  engagement  during  the  war,  the  Chinese 


43§  the  war  with  japan,  and  J^ecent  events 

were  from  the  first  out-manoeuvred.  The  Japanese 
ships,  being  faster  than  those  of  their  opponents,  were 
able  to  take  up  the  positions  which  suited  them  best, 
and  to  avoid  as  far  as  possible  the  Chinese  guns.  In 
these  circumstances  the  result  was  a foregone  con- 
clusion, and  by  the  end  of  the  day  five  Chinese  ships 
were  sunk  and  the  rest  were  in  full  flight.  So  severe 
had  been  the  battle  that  the  Japanese  ships  were 
unable  to  follow  in  pursuit,  and  seven  of  the 
retreating  fleet  reached  Port  Arthur  in  safety. 

Meanwhile  Marshal  Yamagata  marched  north- 
wards from  Pingyang,  and  on  the  8th  of  October 
occupied  the  town  of  Wiju  on  the  south  bank  of  the 
Yalu.  Korea  was  now  swept  clear  of  Chinese  troops, 
and  the  Japanese  were  at  liberty  to  carry  the  war 
into  Manchuria.  Without  meeting  with  any  serious 
opposition  Yamagata  crossed  the  Yalu  river  and 
joined  forces  with  General  Nodzu,  who  on  the  25th 
of  October  gained  a signal  victory  over  the  Chinese 
at  Hushan.  From  this  point  the  invaders  had  almost 
a march  over,  and  some  of  the  strongest  places  in 
Southern  Manchuria  surrendered  without  striking  a 
blow. 

While  Nodzu  and  Yamagata  were  thus  making 
their  triumphal  march  northwards.  General  Oyama 
landed  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Kinchow,  a city 
which  stands  on  the  narrow  neck  of  land  to  the 
northward  of  Port  Arthur.  On  the  5th  and  6th  of 
November  Talienwan  and  Kinchow  opened  their 
gates  to  the  invaders,  and  Oyama  was  consequently 
set  free  to  attack  Port  Arthur  from  the  land  side. 
The  interv^ening  country  being  very  rough  and  hilly. 


THE  FALL  OF  PORT  ARTHUR 


439 


and  the  roads  bad,  the  difficulties  were  of  no  mean 
order,  but  by  the  2ist  of  the  month  the  troops  were 
in  position  to  deliver  their  assault.  Here,  as  else- 
where, the  Chinese  failed  to  distinguish  themselves 
for  courage,  and  after  some  show  of  resistance, 
deserted  the  batteries  and  escaped  along  the  shore 
flanking  the  Japanese  troops.  The  fall  of  this  place 


A MANCHURIAN  CART. 

was  a crushing  blow  to  the  Chinese  cause.  It  was 
the  position  on  which  Li  Hungchang  had  expended 
vast  sums  of  money,  and  which  had  always  been 
regarded  as  impregnable.  To  the  Japanese,  however, 
the  achievement  represented  only  an  incident  in  the 
war,  and  with  unabated  energy  Oyama  waited  only 
to  garrison  the  captured  stronghold,  apd  then 


440  THE  JIVTH  /A PAX,  AXD  RECENT  EVENTS 

marched  northwards  into  Manchuria,  capturing  by 
the  way  the  cities  of  Fuchow  and  K’aipingchow. 
This  series  of  disasters  induced  the  Emperor  to 
listen  to  the  advice  tendered  by  Li  Hungchang  that 
overtures  of  peace  should  be  made  to  the  enemy,  and 
two  futile  missions,  the  first  headed  by  Mr.  Detring, 
of  the  Customs  Service,  and  the  second  by  a mandarin 
named  Chang,  were  consequently  despatched  to 
deprecate  the  further  advance  of  the  Japanese  troops. 
As  neither  of  these  envoys  had  either  plenipotentiary 
powers  or  appropriate  rank  they  were  promptly  sent 
back  to  those  who  had  commissioned  them.  While 
time  was  thus  wasted  the  Japanese  were  repeating 
at  Wei-hai-wei,  the  one  fortress  remaining  to  China, 
the  tactics  which  had  secured  the  capture  of  Port 
Arthur  ; but  here  the  task  was  a more  difficult  one. 
The  Chinese  fleet  in  the  harbour  was  commanded  by 
Admiral  Ting,  who  had  fought  a good  fight  in  the 
battle  off  Yalu  river.  His  back  was  now  against  the 
wall,  and  he  was  determined  to  defend  the  position 
to  the  last.  Unhappily  his  command  did  not  extend 
to  the  soldiers,  and  when  he  wished  to  dismantle  the 
outlying  forts  to  prevent  the  Japanese  from  taking 
them,  and  turning  their  guns  on  the  fortress  as  they 
had  done  at  Port  Arthur,  the  soldiers  refused  to 
carry  out  his  instructions.  The  result  was  exactly 
as  he  had  foreseen.  Without  much  difficulty  the 
Japanese  made  themselves  masters  of  the  outer  lines, 
and  brought  the  captured  artillery  to  bear  on  the 
town  ; but  Ting  still  held  the  citadel  and  the  fleet, 
and,  from  these  standpoints,  offered  a determined 
resistance  to  the  enemy.  It  was  obvious,  however, 


SUICIDE  OF  TING 


441 


that  in  the  end  the  Japanese  must  secure  the  prize, 
and  when  this  became  apparent  beyond  question 
Ting  made  final  arrangements  with  Admiral  Ito  for 
the  surrender  of  the  town  and  fleet  (February  7th). 
Having  agreed  to  the  necessary  conditions,  and 
having  secured  the  lives  and  freedom  of  his  men. 
Ting  committed  suicide,  an  example  which  was 


A JINRIKSHA. 

followed  by  his  second  and  third  in  command.  It  is 
gratifying  to  know  that  Admiral  Ito  did  honour  to 
his  late  gallant  opponent  by  detaching  a captured 
Chinese  man-of-war  to  carry  the  Admiral’s  remains 
to  Chifu.  This  final  disaster  brought  home  to  the 
Emperor  and  his  advisers  the  inevitable  conclusion 
that  if  any  remnant  of  sovereignty  was  to  be  left  to 


442  THE  WAR  WITH  JAPAN,  AND  RECENT  E TENTS 

them,  they  must  at  once  make  peace  with  the  enemy. 
It  also  emphasised  the  lesson  which  they  were 
beginning  to  learn,  that  it  was  useless  to  try  to 
impose  any  more  pseudo  plenipotentiaries  on  Japan, 
and  in  this  dilemma  the  Emperor  turned  to  the  one 
man  who,  from  his  rank  and  abilities,  was  clearly 
marked  out  as  a fit  and  proper  person  to  represent 
the  Empire  in  its  present  straits.  With  the  patriot- 
ism of  the  kind  which  has  always  distinguished  him, 
Li  Hungchang  at  once  undertook  the  mission  at  the 
bidding  of  his  sovereign  ; and  after  some  delay,  due 
to  his  efforts  to  gain  European  support  against  any 
demand  on  the  part  of  Japan  for  territorial  acqui- 
sitions on  the  mainland,  he  for  the  first  time  in  his 
life  landed  on  a foreign  shore. 

In  the  negotiations  which  followed,  Li  first  at- 
tempted to  secure  an  armistice  during  the  discussion 
of  the  terms  of  peace.  To  this  the  Japanese  made 
no  objection  on  the  conditions  that  the  Taku  forts, 
Shanhaikwan,  and  the  railway  to  Tientsin  should  be 
handed  over  to  the  Japanese  generals.  As  the 
fulfilment  of  these  terms  would  entail  the  virtual 
command  of  Peking  from  the  coast, -Li  declined  to 
accept  them,  and  the  plenipotentiaries  therefore 
proceeded  at  once  to  arrange  the  terms  of  a 
permanent  treaty.  With  the  exception  of  the 
regrettable  incident  of  the  wound  inflicted  on  Li 
by  a crazy  would-be  assassin,  the  discussion  pro- 
ceeded favourably,  and  on  the  17th  of  April  the 
treaty  of  peace  was  solemnly  signed.  By  the  terms 
of  this  document  the  Liaotung  peninsula  (including 
Fort  Arthur),  Forniosa,  and  the  Pescadores  were 


THE  DOWAGER  EMPRESSES  JUBILEE  443 

ceded  to  the  conquerors,  and  an  indemnity  of 
200,000,000  taels  was  exacted  for  the  expenses  of 
the  war. 

Although  a strong  party  in  Peking  were  opposed 
to  the  ratification  of  this  humiliating  treaty,  the 
Emperor  gave  his  approval  to  it,  and  on  the  8th  of 
May  the  ratifications  were  exchanged  at  Chifu.  But 
though  China  had  thus  pledged  her  honour  to  the 
terms  demanded,  a strong  appeal  was  made  to  the 
European  Powers  to  intervene  on  her  behalf.  This 
entreaty  was  partially  successful,  and  the  combined 
Governments  of  Russia,  Germany  and  France  were 
induced  to  remonstrate  so  strongly  and  persistently 
against  the  cession  of  Liaotung  that  the  Japanese 
thought  it  wise  to  restore  the  peninsula  to  their  con- 
quered foe. 

The  disorder  and  uncertainty  which  had  over- 
clouded the  Empire  during  the  continuance  of  the 
war  seriously  interfered  with  one  of  those  national 
rejoicings  which  appeal  with  especial  force  to  the 
Chinese  mind.  In  1895  the  Dowager  Empress 
completed  her  sixtieth  year,  and  as  such  an  event  is 
of  rare  occurrence  among  members  of  the  Imperial 
family,  it  was  early  marked  out  to  be  the  subject  of 
a grand  national  rejoicing.  With  that  respect  for 
precedent  which  so  distinguishes  the  backward- 
looking intellect  of  the  Celestials,  the  officials  of  the 
Board  of  Ceremonies  searched  in  the  records  for  the 
occurrence  of  a similar  event  in  the  annals  of  the 
dynasty.  Their  researches  were  rewarded  by  finding 
that  during  the  reign  of  the  Emperor  Ch’ienlung  the 
Dowager  Empress  had  reached  the  venerable  age  of 


444  WITH  JAPAN,  AND  RECENT  EVENTS 

eighty,  and  that  on  that  occasion,  in  addition  to 
numberless  ceremonies,  the  Emperor  on  horseback 
had  escorted  her  sedan-chair  from  her  residence  to 
the  palace,  where,  dressed  in  a fantastic  garb,  he  had 
danced  and  gesticulated  before  his  aged  parent.  It 
is  needless  to  say  that  this  device  was  not  original, 
but  was  carried  out  in  imitation  of  one  of  the  twenty- 
four  national  models  of  Filial  Piety,  who  at  the  age 
of  seventy  dressed  himself  up  as  a child  and 
frolicked  before  his  parents  in  order  to  cheat  them 
into  the  belief  that  they  were  still  untouched  by  age. 
The  more  sedate  part  of  the  ceremonial  was  loyally 
adopted  by  the  Emperor,  who,  however,  with  some 
show  of  wisdom,  declined  to  disport  himself  in  the 
motley  proposed. 

But  though  the  Government  was  able  occasionally 
to  divert  its  attention  from  the  necessities  of  the  hour 
by  this  and  other  pageants,  it  was  soon  called  upon 
again  to  consider  the  difficulties  which  had  arisen 
from  the  war.  The  three  European  Powers  which 
had  posed  as  friends  in  need  soon  made  it  plain  that 
they  required  a quid  pro  quo  for  their  intervention  in 
the  matter  of  the  Liaotung  peninsula.  In  this  regard 
Russia  was  first  in  the  field  and  demanded  the  right 
of  carrying  the  Siberian  railway  through  Manchuria 
to  Vladivostok  with  a branch  line  to  Kirin  Mukden 
and  Port  Arthur.  France  followed  next  and  claimed 
that  the  Chinese  should  meet  the  Tonking  railway  at 
the  frontier  and  continue  it  as  far  as  Nanning  Fu,  in 
the  province  of  Kwangsi.  Germany  was  for  the 
moment  less  ambitious  and  was  satisfied  with  asking 
for  certain  mining  and  financial  privileges.  To  these 


THE  IMPOTENCE  OF  CHINA 


445 


several  exactions  China  was  in  no  position  to  return 
a nep^ative  answer,  and  indeed  her  position  since  the 


A DAGOBA  AT  MOUKDEN. 


war  has  been  one  of  limp  impotence  without  any 
guiding  principle  to  direct  her  policy,  or  the  slightest 


44^  THE  WAR  WITH  JAPAN,  AND  RECENT  EVENTS 

vestige  of  power  to  uphold  her  rights.  One  of  her 
chief  needs  throughout  has  been  that  of  money  with 
which  to  pay  off  the  indemnity  due  to  Japan,  and 
being  completely  helpless  so  far  as  her  own  resources 
were  concerned,  she  appealed  to  England  for  assist- 
tance.  Lord  Salisbury,  acting  on  the  traditional 
policy  of  his  country  towards  China,  was  willing  to 
arrange  a loan  to  the  amount  of  twelve  millions,  and 
the  negotiations  had  advanced  several  stages  when 
Russia  intervened,  and  protested  so  vehemently 
against  the  proceedings  that  the  terrorised  Chinese 
begged  to  be  allowed  to  withdraw  from  their  bargain. 
They  had,  however,  sufficient  sense  to  decline  a loan 
proffered  from  St.  Petersburg,  and  eventually  the 
money  was  borrowed,  with  ^4,000,000  in  addition, 
from  the  Hongkong  and  Shanghai  Banking  Cor- 
poration, with  the  assistance  of  a German  bank. 
But  worse  difficulties  were  still  in  store  for  the 
distracted  country.  In  an  ill  moment  a native‘mob 
rose  against  a German  missionary  establishment  in 
Shantung  and  murdered  two  of  the  priests.  This 
incident  supplied  the  excuse  wanted  by  Germany 
for  obtaining  a substantial  hold  on  the  country,  and, 
without  notice,  the  Admiral  on  the  station  steamed 
into  Kiaochow  Bay  in  the  incriminated  province,  and 
took  forcible  possession  of  the  harbour  and  its 
surroundings.  It  was  only  necessary  for  the 
Germans  to  say  that  they  were  there,  and  intended 
staying,  to  make  the  Chinese  acquiesce,  however 
unwillingly,  in  the  arrangement.  The  example  thus 
set  was  speedily  followed.  Russia  demanded  a lease 
of  Port  Arthur  and  Talienwan  on  the  same  terms  as 


FOREIGN  AGGRESSIONS 


447 


that  granted  to  the  Germans  at  Kiaochow,  and  as  a 
counterblast  to  this  last  move  Sir  Claud  Macdonald 
was  instructed  to  ask  for  a lease  of  Wei-hai-wei  so 
soon  as  the  Japanese,  who  had  been  holding  it  as 
security  for  the  payment  of  the  indemnity,  should 
have  rendered  it  again  to  China.  Later  still  France, 
not  to  be  behindhand,  has  taken  possession  of 
Kwangchow  Bay  on  the  Lienchow  peninsula  in 
Kwangtung.  The  danger  of  this  system  of  seizing 
at  will  ports  along  the  coast  soon  became  sufficiently 
obvious  even  to  the  Chinese,  and  in  their  own 
defence  they  readily  listened  to  the  proposals  of  Sir 
Claud  Macdonald  to  open  three  more  ports,  Yochow 
on  the  Tungt’ing  Lake,  Tuning  Fu  on  the  coast  of 
Fuhkien,  and  Chinwang  in  the  Gulf  of  Liaotung,  to 
which,  on  their  own  motion,  they  added  Wusung, 
near  Shanghai.  In  addition  to  these  new  trade 
centres,  three  ports  on  the  west  river  of  Canton  had 
already  been  declared  open  in  compensation  for 
the  British  Shan  territory  of  Kiang  Hung,  which 
by  a breach  of  treaty  had  been  alienated  to 
France. 

The  policy  of  throwing  open  the  whole  coast  line 
to  trade  is  the  only  one  which  will  secure  the  Empire 
against  the  attack  of  grasping  Powers.  By  the 
favoured  nation  clause  no  power  can  acquire  any 
rights  at  the  treaty  ports  which  are  not  shared  by  all 
the  signatories.  Any  attempt  therefore  to  grasp  at 
exclusive  privileges  on  the  part  of  any  one  nation 
would  be  met  by  the  united  opposition  of  the  rest  of 
their  number,  and  in  the  present  helpless  condition 
of  the  State,  and  the  known  greed  of  various  govern- 


448  THE  WAR  WITH  JAPAN,  AND  RECENT  EVENTS 

ments,  this  is  the  only  sure  and  certain  means  of 
defence  that  the  Empire  possesses. 

It  is,  as  it  always  has  been,  the  true  policy  of 
England  to  look  to  China  for  commercial  privileges 
rather  than  for  territorial  aggrandizement,  and,  with 
the  exception  of  the  lease  of  Wei-hai-wei,  every  move 
on  her  part  has  been  in  the  direction  of  opening  the 
country  to  the  traffic  of  the  world.  It  was  in  this 
spirit  that  in  recognition  of  her  share  in  the  new  loan 
she  urged  the  Chinese  Government  to  open  the 
inland  waters  to  steam  navigation  ; and  to  undertake 
that  on  no  conditions  should  the  valley  of  the 
Yangtsze-kiang  be  alienated  to  any  foreign  Power. 
These  terms  have  been  agreed  to,  and  additional 
conditions  have  been  framed,  by  which  it  is  arranged 
that  so  long  as  British  trade  is  predominant  in  China 
Sir  Robert  Hart’s  successors  shall  be  British  subjects, 
and  that  the  collection  of  the  Likin  tax  at  the  ports 
of  Soochow  and  Kiukiang,  with  the  districts  of 
Sunghu  and  Eastern  Chehkiang,  as  well  as  the  salt 
Likin  of  Ichang,  and  of  the  districts  of  Hupeh  and 
Anhui,  shall  be  placed  forthwith  under  the  control 
of  the  Inspector-General  of  the  Imperial  Chinese 
Maritime  Customs.  It  is  difficult  to  over-estimate 
the  importance  of  this  last  condition.  It  is  a blow 
at  that  corruption  which  has  hitherto  made  progress 
in  China  next  to  impossible,  which  has  prevented 
the  construction  of  railways,  which  has  hide-bound 
the  trade  of  the  country,  and  which  has  made  the 
army  and  navy  of  the  Empire  the  laughing-stocks 
of  the  world.  If  once  the  political  administration  of 
the  provinces  could  be  placed  on  a sound  and  honest 


THE  PROSPECT  IN  THE  FUTURE 


449 


basis,  the  progressive  leaven  which,  though  small, 
does  exist  in  the  country,  could  gain  life  and  energy, 
and  China  might  yet  succeed  in  occupying  the 
position  in  the  world  to  which  her  teeming  popula- 
tion, her  immense  wealth,  and  the  industry  of  her 
people  justly  entitle  her. 

FINIS, 


INDEX 


A. 

Ahluta,  Empress,  373  ; death  of, 
384  ; funeral  of,  391 
Akkadia,  2 

Akwei,  General,  156,  159,  160  ; 

defeats  the  Miaotzii,  160,  162 
Alcock,  Consul,  238 
Alikun,  General,  156 
Amaral,  Signor,  murder  of  at 
Macao,  241 

Amherst,  Lord,  ambassador  to 
Peking,  195  ; arrival  at  Yuan- 
ming-vuan,  197  ; dismissal  of, 
197 

Amiot,  expelled  from  Peking,  191 
Amoy,  capture  of,  226 
Amursana,  143  ; flies  to  Russian 
territory,  144  ; death  of,  144 
Anstruther,  Captain,  R.A.,  222 
Arrow  Affair,  the,  260 
Arthur,  Port,  capture  of,  438 
Asan,  iDattle  of,  435 
Attiret,  Jesuit,  148 
Audience  Question,  375  ; recep- 
tion of  ministers,  377  ; recep- 
tion within  the  palace,  425 

B. 

Babylonia,  its  affinities  with 
China,  3 

Bank-notes,  Early  Chinese,  31 
Bashpa’s  Alphabet,  37 
Beal,  Rev.  S.,  20 
Books,  the  burning  of  the,  15  ; 
recovery  of  the  classical,  18 


Bowring,  Sir  J.,  258 

Bremer,  Sir  Gordon,  219,  221  ; 

captures  Bogue  Forts,  224 
British,  opening  of  commeicial 
relations  with  China,  172  ; A 

B.  gunner  strangled,  177  ; con- 
cessions to  the,  448 
Bruce,  Sir  F.,  arrival  at  Shan- 
ghai of,  275,  presents  ulti- 
matum, 277 

Buddhism,  introduction  of,  18 
Burgevine,  320  ; dismissed  from 
force,  321 

Burlingham,  Mr.,  accepts  office 
as  Chinese  envoy,  356 
Burma,  Upper,  ceded  to  Eng- 
land, 41 1 

C. 

Canton,  opposition  to  foreigners 
at,  241  ; refusal  to  admit 
foreigners,  258  ; taken,  262  ; 
taken  a second  time,  267 
Carpini,  John  de  Plano,  27 
Castiglione,  Jesuit,  148 
Catchpole,  consul  in  China,  173 
Cathay,  23 

Cathcart,  Colonel,  ambassador  to 
Peking,  178 

Catholic  missionaries,  the  first, 
^27 

Centurion,  H.M.S.,  arrival  in 
China  of,  174 

Chang  Ch’ien’s  visit  to  Central 
Asia,  18 


451 


452 


INDEX 


Chao,  General,  his  victories  in 
Central  Asia,  144  ; his  death, 

145 

Cheng  Chihlung,  94  ; turns 
pirate,  95  ; made  State  prisoner 
at  Peking,  95 
Cheng,  General,  325 
Cheng  Te,  General,  168 
Chengt’ung,  Emperor,  taken 
prisoner,  47 

Chen  Kwojui,  364  ; his  career, 

367 

Chiach’ing,  Emperor,  accession 
of,  189  ; attempts  to  assassinate, 
190  ; death  of,  199  ; his  cha- 
racter, 200 

Chiaching,  Emperor,  death  of, 
54 

Chieh  Kwei,  Emperor,  6 
Ch’ienlung,  Emperor,  accession 
of,  139  ; his  clemency,  139  ; 
his  war  with  Burma,  156  ; 
abdication  of,  187 
Ch’in,  dynasty  of,  14 
Chin,  Western,  dynasty  of,  19 
Ch’ing,  dynasty,  establishment 
of,  80 

Chinhai,  capture  of,  227 
Chinkiang,  capture  of,  230 
Chow,  dynasty  of,  2 
Chow  Sin,  Emperor,  7 
Christianity,  progress  of,  58 
Chung  How,  363  ; sent  to  Paris, 

368 

Chunghwan,  his  march  on 
Peking,  76  ; plot  against  him, 
77  ; his  execution,  78 
Chung  Wang,  313,  ct  pass.  ; his 
death,  333 

Cochin  China,  embassies  from, 
9 ; conquered,  18  : revolution 
in,  165 

Confucius,  8 ; his  birth,  ii  ; his 
intiuence,  ii  ; his  teaching, 
12 

D. 

Dalai  Lama,  the,  117,  169 
D’Andrade,  Don  Fernao  Peres, 
48 


i Davis,  Sir  J.,  235 
Dowager  Empress’s  Jubilee 
(1752),  146 

Dutch  Embassy  (1664),  100 


E. 

Elepoo,  228,  231 

Elgin,  Lord,  appointed  ambas- 
sador, 263  ; arrives  at  Hong- 
kong, 264  ; presents  ultimatum, 
266  ; goes  to  Peiho,  270 ; 
arrives  at  Tientsin,  271  : signs 
treaty,  272  ; again  appointed 
ambassador,  278  ; arrives  at 
Tientsin,  287  ; advances  to- 
wards Peking,  289  ; signs 
treaty  in  Peking,  305 
Elliot,  Captain,  212 
Empire,  establishment  of,  15 

F. 

Fahsien,  his  expedition  to  India, 

19 

Famine  in  North  China,  393 
Fei,  General  (1695-96),  117 
Flint,  Mr.,  goes  to  Tientsin,  175  ; 

deportation  of,  176 
Flood,  the  Great,  5 
Foochow,  destruction  of  Chinese 
fleet  at,  407 

Formosa,  fighting  in,  163  ; 

massacre  of  English  in,  234 
Fournier,  Captain,  negotiates  in 
matter  of  Tongking,  404 
Fuhsi,  the  inventor  of  writing, 
4 

Fu  K’angan,  General,  164,  170 
Fu  Te,  General,  162 


G. 

Galdan,  the  chief  of  the  Eleuths, 
III  ; defeat  of,  116  ; death  of, 
120 

George  III.’s  letter,  194 
Gerbillon,  112 
Go  Huei,  General,  168 
Goloyken’s  Mission,  195 


INDEX 


453 


Gordon,  General,  takes  com- 
mand of  Ever  Victorious 
Army,  321  ; successful  cam- 
paign, 322  ; takes  Kunshan, 
326  ; retires  from  force,  328  ; 
retakes  command,  329  ; re- 
signs, 331 
Gough,  Sir  H.,  225 
Grant,  Sir  Hope,  takes  command 
of  British  force,  278 
Great  Wall,  16 
Grosvenor,  Mr.,  387 
Gurkhas,  war  with  the,  168  ; 
submission  of  the,  171 

H. 

Hamilton,  Port,  412 

Han,  dynasty  of,  16 

Hangki,  286 

Hanlin  College,  41 

Hart,  Sir  R.,  408 

Hideyoshi,  his  invasion  of  Korea, 

56 

Ho,  minister,  184  ; arrested  and 
put  to  death,  185 
Hongkong,  ceded  to  England, 
221 

Hope,  Admiral,  defeated  at 
Taku,  277 
Hsia  Dynasty,  6 

Hsian  Fu,  Xestorian  monument 
at,  21 

Hsienfeng,  Emperor,  accession 
of,  255  ; death  of,  308 
Hsi  Wang,  rebel  leader,  102 
Hung  Hsiuts’uan,  242  ; his  suc- 
cessful advance,  245  ; captures 
Nanking,  247  ; his  death,  333 
Hungwu,  Emperor,  41  ; death 
of,  43 

Hwangti,  Emperor,  4 
Hwangchukki,  murder  of  Eng- 
lishmen at,  241 

I. 

India,  expedition  to,  19 

J- 

Japanese  invasion,  53 
Jehangir,  203 


Jenghiz  Khan,  his  rise  to  power, 
24  ; subdues  Hsia,  26  ; retires 
to  river  Onon,  26  ; conquers 
Kashgar,  Yarkand,  and  Kho- 
ten,  26  ; advances  into  Georgia 
and  Western  Europe,  26  ; his 
death,  26 

Jesuits,  their  investments,  127  ; 
their  contributions  to  litera- 
ture, 129 

K. 

K’aifeng  Fu,  fall  of,  81 

K’anghsi,  Emperor,  his  religious 
views,  61,  105  ; prayer  to 

Shangti,  118  ; his,  diamond 
jubilee,  and  death,  12 1 ; his 
literary  works,  122 

Kaoti,  Emperor,  his  rise  to 
power,  16  ; his  general  policy, 
17  ; his  protection  of  literature, 

17 

Keppel,  Sir  Harry,  his  attack  on 
native  junks,  264 

Kiaochow,  seized  by  Germany, 
447 

Kinshun,  General,  351 

Kishen,  his  career,  219,  225 

K’itan  Tartars,  23 

Kiying,  at  Nanking,  231  ; at  Can- 
ton, 236,  242  ; dismissed  from 
oftice,  255 

Korea,  embassies  from,  9 ; out- 
break in,  397  ; Ex-Regent  de- 
ported, 399 ; revolution  in, 
409  ; convention  with,  410  ; 
war  in,  433 

Koxinga,  97  ; his  victory  over 
the  Manchus,  98  ; his  defeat 
and  death,  102 

Kublai  Khan,  29  ; invades  and 
conquers  China,  32  ; extent  of 
his  empire,  32  ; his  war 
against  Burma,  33  ; defeated 
by  the  Japanese,  34  ; his  re- 
ligious toleration,  34;  his 
death,  37 

Kung,  Prince,  255  ; in  command 
at  Peking,  300  ; opposes 
palace  clique,  306  ; effects  a 


454 


INDEX 


coup  d'etat,  310  ; dismissed 
and  reinstated,  382  ; again  dis- 
missed, 404 ; his  proposed 
reforms  (1866),  426 
Kunshan,  taken  by  Gordon,  326 
Kwanghsii,  Emperor,  accession 
of,  385  ; marriage  of,  418  ; 
reception  of  foreign  ministers 
^ by,  424 

Kwo  Sungtao, appointed  minister 
at  St.  James’s,  391 

L. 

Lao  Tsze,  founder  of  Taoism,  14 
Legal  reforms,  42 
Li,  rebel  leader,  captures  Peking, 
83  ; defeated  by  \Vu  Sankwei, 
87  ; his  death,  88 
Li  Hanchang,  388 
Li  Hungchang,  opposes  T’aip’-  j 
ing,  251,  320  ; his  perfidy 
at  Soochow,  330 ; given  a 
yellow  jacket,  331  ; disbands 
Ever  Victorious  Army,  334  ; 
campaign  against  'Xienfei 
rebels,  338  ; takes  command 
at  Tientsin,  365 ; alarm  at 
Japanese  reforms,  400  ; sent 
as  envoy  to  Japan,  442  ; con- 
cludes peace,  442 
Lin,  Commissioner,  215  ; his 
dealings  with  Captain  Elliot, 
217  ; disgraced,  219  ; de- 
nounced by  Emperor,  221 
Li  T’aipo,  poet,  22 
Loans,  questions  connected  with, 
446 

Loch,  Lord,  in  Tungchow,  293  ; 
made  prisoner,  294  ; in  the 
Hsing  Pu,  295  ; released,  303 

M 

Ma,  Mahommedan  rebel,  341 
Macao,  taken  by  the  English,  193 
Macartney,  Lord,  ambassador  to 
Peking,  178  ; arrives  at  Tient- 
sin, 180  ; arrives  at  Peking, 
182  ; received  by  Emperor 
at  jehol,  183  ; returns  to 
England,  186 


Mahommedan  rebellion,  in 
Yunnan,  339  ; suppression  of, 
347  ; outbreak  of  in  Shensi 
and  Kansu,  348 

Maigrot,  Bishop,  124  ; visits 
court  in  Mongolia,  125 
Manchus,  the,  rise  of,  64  ; retreat 
of,  78  ; take  possession  of 
Peking,  88  ; successes  of,  94 
Mangu,  Emperor,  29 
Manning,  visits  Lhasa,  199 
Marco  Polo,  arrives  at  Kublai’s 
court,  29  ; reception  by  the 
Khan,  30  ; governor  of  Yang- 
chow,  35  ; returns  to  Venice, 
36 

Margary,  Mr.,  murder  of,  387 
Medhurst,  consul,  at  Yangchow, 
35«. 

Mencius,  his  political  views,  6, 
8,  10 

Menzes,  Don  Metello  Souza  v, 

135 

Miaotzu,  157  ; their  manners 
and  customs,  159  ; campaign 
against,  159  ; treacherous  con- 
duct towards,  161,  204. 

Ming  dynasty,  beginnings  of, 
39  ; culture  of,  60 
Mingti,  Emperor,  his  dream,  18 
Missionaries,  dissensions  be- 
tween, 62,  124  ; difficulties  of, 
369  ; murder  of,  at  Hwashan, 

431 

Mongolia,  campaign  in,  349 
Mongols,  24 

Mu  Wang,  reflections  on  his 
conduct,  9 ; his  journey  to  the 
West,  10 

N. 

Xapier,  Lord,  207  ; arrives  at 
Canton,  208  ; death  at  Macao, 
212 

Xestorian  Christians,  21  ; cor- 
ruption of,  28 
Xerchinsk,  treaty  of,  113 
Xien,  General,  132  ; feast  given 
to,  133  ; put  to  death,  134 
Xienfei  rebels,  337 


INDEX 


455 


Ningpo,  occupation  of,  227 
Ningyuan,  defence  of,  74 
Nurhachu,  65  ; his  seven  griev- 
ances against  the  Mings,  68  ; 
hi«  victory  over  the  Chinese, 
70  ; his  death,  74. 

O. 

Opium,  trade  in,  210,  213 
Osborn,  Captain  Sherard,  336 

P. 

Pa  Chung,  General,  168  ; com- 
mits suicide,  169 

Pan  Ch'ao,  march  to  Khoten,i8  1 
Panshen  Lama,  death  at  Peking, 
166  I 

Parkes,  Sir  Harry,  238;  appointed  j 
consul  at  Canton,  259  ; taken 
prisoner,  294 
Pereira,  112 

Philippines,  the,  arrival  of  Span- 
iards, 56  ; massacre  of  Chris- 
tians at,  57 

Pingyang,  capture  of,  436 
Portuguese,  mission  to  Peking, 
48  ; massacre  of,  50  ; aid  sent 
to  Peking,  71 

Pottinger,  Sir  H.,  minister,  226  ; 
concludes  treaty  of  Nanking, 
232  ; sails  for  England,  234 

Q- 

Queue,  institution  of,  72 

R. 

Railways,  Wusung  line,  395  ; its 
destruction,  396 
Regency,  the,  383 
Remusat,  20 
Ricci,  51  ; death  of,  52 
Rome,  See  of,  21  ; embassy  to 
the  Chinese  Court,  21 
Rubruquis,  Friar,  27  ; his  de- 
scription of  the  Chinese,  28 
Russia,  embassy  (1664),  100 ; 
defeat  of  at  Albazin,  113  ; 
college  at  Peking,  203  ; con- 
cessions to,  444 


S. 

Sankolinsin,  279,  293 
Schaal,  J.  A.,  his  arrival  in  China, 
60  ; his  death  in  prison,  61 
Senhouse,  Sir  F.,  225 
Seymour,  Sir  M.,  takes  Canton, 
262 

Shang  dynasty,  the,  7 
Shennung,  Emperor,  4 
Shih  Hwangti,  14 
Shih  K’ofa,  champions  the  Ming 
cause,  91  ; his  attempted  de- 
fence of  Yangchow,  93 
Shun,  Emperor,  5 
Shunchih,  Emperor,  95  ; death 
of,  lOI 

Siamese  tribute,  192 
Soochow,  Negotiations  for  sur- 
render of,  329  ; capture  of, 
330 

Sung,  Minister,  199 
Sung  dynasty,  the,  22 

T. 

Taku  forts,  capture  of,  271  ; 
defeat  before,  277  ; recapture, 
284 

Taki,  concubine  of  Chow  Sin,  7 
T’aip’ing,  establishment  of 
dynasty  of,  248  ; unsuccessful 
advance  on  Peking,  250  ; later 
successes,  315 

T’ang  dynasty,  the,  literature  of, 
21  ; conquests,  2i  ; persecu- 
tion of  Christians,  22 
T’ang,  the  “ complete,”  7 
Taokwang,  Emperor,  his  acces- 
sion, 201  ; his  martial  habits, 
202  ; his  death,  255 
Tashilumbo,  taken  by  the 
Gurkhas,  169 

Terrien  de  Lacouperie,  Pro- 
fessor, 2 

Texeira,  Gonsalvo  de,  70 
Three  kingdoms,  the,  19 
'Tientsin,  massacre  at,  361; 

rioters  executed,  365 
Tinghai,  recapture  of,  227 
Ting,  Admiral,  437  ; commits 
suicide,  441 


456 


IXDEX 


Tongking,  war  in,  403  ; con- 
clusion of  peace,  408 
Tourgots,  emigration  of,  149  ; 
flight  of,  150 

Tournon,  C.  M.  de,  126  ; suspi- 
cious illness  of,  127  ; issues 
decree  against  Jesuits,  128  ; 
his  death,  129 
Treaty  ports,  new,  447 
Tseng  Kwofan,  opposes  T’aip’- 
ings,  246  ; captures  Nanking, 
333  ; at  Tientsin,  363 
Tsiniiang,  a military  heroine,  72 
Tso  Chungt’ang,  350  ; his  delibe- 
rate advance  into  Central 
Asia,  352  ; his  successful  cam- 
paign, 353 

Tsungli  Yamen,  establishment 
of,  354  ; its  characteristics, 
355 

Tu,  Mahommedan  rebel,  341 
Tu  Fu,  poet,  22 

T’ungchih,  Emperor,  his  mar- 
riage,  371  ; his  death,  383 

V. 

Verbiest,  105 

Vladislavitche,  Count  Sava, 
arrives  at  Peking,  134 

\V. 

Wade,  Sir  Thomas,  goes  in  ad- 
vance of  army  to  Tungchow, 
289;  on  the  Tientsin  massacre, 
365  ; arranges  difticulty  be- 
tween China  and  Japan.  381  ; 
on  the  murder  of  Margary, 
389  ; hauls  down  his  flag,  390 
Walsham,  Sir  J.,  429 
Ward,  the  Ever  Victorious  Army, 
317  ; death  of,  320 
Weddell,  Captain,  takes  the 
Bogue  Forts,  173 


Wei-hai-wei,  surrender  of,  441 
. White  Lily  Sect,  190,  237 
Wu,  Empress,  22 
Wu  Sankwei,  79  ; in  command 
I at  Xingyuan,  83  ; his  slave  girl 
: treated  as  spoil,  84  ; his  anger, 

1 86  ; defeats  the  rebel  Li,  87  ; 

: pursues  Kwei  Wang  into 

Burma,  98  ; summoned  to 
I Peking,  107  ; rebels,  108  ; 

j death  of,  109 

! X. 

I Xavier,  arrives  at  Sanshan,  51 

Y. 

Yakoob  Khan,  349 
Yalu,  battle  of,  437 
Yangchow,  taken  by  the  Man- 
chus,  93  ; riot  at,  357 
Yangti,  Emperor,  constructor  of 
canals,  20 

Yangtszekiang,  riots  on  the,  428 
Yao,  Emperor,  5 
Yeh,  governor  of  Canton,  240  ; 
refuses  to  receive  Parkes,  259  ; 
capture  of,  268  ; exile  and 
death,  268 
Yellow  river,  381 
Yin,  or  Shang,  dynasty,  the,  7 
Yu,  Emperor,  5 

Yuan-mi ng-yuan,  occupation  of, 
301  ; burning  of,  304 
Yule,  Sir  Henry,  27 
Yungcheng,  Emperor,  accession 
of,  122  ; edict  against  Roman 
Catholics,  123  ; deports  mis- 
sionaries, 132  ; address  to  the 
Jesuits,  135  ; disasters  to  the 
house  of,  137  ; his  death,  138 
Yunglo,  45  ; his  Encyclopaidia, 

46" 

1 Yunnan,  210 


The  Story  of  the  Nations. 


Messrs.  G.  P.  PUTNAM’S  SONS  take  pleasure  in 
announcing  that  they  have  in  course  of  publication,  in 
co-operation  with  Mr.  T.  Fisher  Unwin,  of  London,  a 
series  of  historical  studies,  intended  to  present  in  a graphic 
manner  the  stories  of  the  different  nations  that  have 
attained  prominence  in  history. 

In  the  story  form  the  current  of  each  national  life  is 
distinctly  indicated,  and  its  picturesque  and  noteworthy 
periods  and  episodes  are  presented  for  the  reader  in  their 
philosophical  relation  to  each  other  as  well  as  to  universal 
history. 

It  is  the  plan  of  the  writers  of  the  different  volumes  to 
enter  into  the  real  life  of  the  peoples,  and  to  bring  them 
before  the  reader  as  they  actually  lived,  labored,  and 
struggled — as  they  studied  and  wrote,  and  as  they  amused 
themselves.  In  carrying  out  this  plan,  the  myths,  with 
which  the  history  of  all  lands  begins,  will  not  be  over- 
looked, though  these  will  be  carefully  distinguished  from 
the  actual  history,  so  far  as  the  labors  of  the  accepted 
historical  authorities  have  resulted  in  definite  conclusions. 

The  subjects  of  the  different  volumes  have  been  planned 
to  cover  connecting  and,  as  far  as  possible,  consecutive 
epochs  or  periods,  so  that  the  set  when  completed  will 
present  in  a comprehensive  narrative  the  chief  events  in 
the  great  STORY  OF  THE  Nations  ; but  it  is,  of  course, 
not  always  practicable  to  issue  the  several  volumes  in 
their  chronological  order. 


THE  STORY  OF  THE  NATIONS. 

The  “Stories”  are  printed  in  good  readable  type,  and  in 
handsome  i2mo  form.  They  are  adequately  illustrated  and 
furnished  with  maps  and  indexes.  Price  per  vol.,  cloth,  $1.50  ; 


half  morocco,  gilt  top,  $1.75. 
The  following  are  now  ready 

GREECE.  Prof.  Jas.  A.  Harrison. 
ROME.  Arthur  Gilman. 

THE  JEWS.  Prof.  James  K.  Hosmer. 
CHALDEA.  Z.  A.  Ragozin. 
GERMANY.  S.  Baring-Gould. 
NORWAY.  Hjalmar  H.  Boyesen. 
SPAIN.  Rev.  E.  E.  and  Susan  Hale. 
HUNGARY.  Prof.  A.  Vambery. 
CARTHAGE.  Prof.  Alfred  J.  Church. 
THE  SARACENS.  Arthur  Gilman. 
THE  MOORS  IN  SPAIN.  Stanley 
Lane-Poole. 

THE  NORMANS.  Sarah  Orne  Jewett. 
PERSIA.  S.  G.  W.  Benjamin. 
ANCIENT  EGYPT.  Prof.  Geo.  Raw- 
linson. 

ALEXANDER’S  EMPIRE.  Prof.  J. 
P.  Mahaffy. 

ASSYRIA.  Z.  A.  Ragozin. 

THE  GOTHS.  Henry  Bradley. 
IRELAND.  Hon.  Emily  Lawless. 
TURKEY.  Stanley  Lane-Poole. 
MEDIA,  BABYLON,  AND  PERSIA. 
Z.  A.  Ragozin. 

MEDIAEVAL  FRANCE.  Prof.  Gus- 
tave Masson. 

HOLLAND.  Prof.  J.  Thorold  Rogers. 
MEXICO.  Susan  Hale. 

PHCENICIA.  Geo.  Rawlinson. 

THE  HANSA  TOWNS.  Helen  Zim- 
mern. 

EARLY  BRITAIN.  Prof.  Alfred  J. 
Church. 

THE  BARBARY  CORSAIRS.  Stan- 
ley Lane-Pool. 

RUSSIA.  W.  R.  Morfill. 

THE  JEWS  UNDER  ROME.  W.  D. 
Morrison. 

SCOTLAND.  John  Mackintosh. 
SWITZERLAND.  R.  Stead  and  Mrs. 
A.  Hug. 

PORTUGAL.  H.  Morse-Stephens. 
THE  BYZANTINE  EMPIRE.  C.  W. 
C.  Oman. 

SICILY.  E.  A.  Freeman. 

THE  TUSCAN  REPUBLICS.  Bella 
EufFy. 

POLAND.  W.R.  Morfill. 

PARTHIA.  Geo.  Rawlinson. 


JAPAN.  David  Murray. 

THE  CHRISTIAN  RECOVERY  OF 
SPAIN.  H.  E.  Watts. 
AUSTRALASIA.  Greville  Tregar- 
then. 

SOUTHERN  AFRICA.  Geo.  M. 
Theal. 

VENICE.  AletheaWiel. 

THE  CRUSADES.  T.  S.  Archer  and 
C.  L.  Kingsford. 

VEDIC  INDIA.  Z.  A.  Ragozin. 
BOHEMIA.  C.  E.  Maurice. 
CANADA.  J.  G.  Bourinot. 

THE  BALKAN  STATES.  William 
Miller. 

BRITISH  RULE  IN  INDIA.  R.  W. 
F razer. 

MODERN  FRANCE.  Andre  Le  Bon. 
THE  BUILDINGOFTHE  BRITISH 
EMPIRE.  Alfred  T.  Story.  Two 
vols. 

THE  FRANKS.  Lewis  Sergeant. 
THE  WEST  INDIES.  Amos  K. 
Fiske. 

THE  PEOPLE  OF  ENGLAND  IN 
THE  19TH  CENTURY.  Justin 
McCarthy,  M.P.  Two  vols. 
AUSTRIA,  THE  HOME  OF  THE 
HAPSBURG  DYNASTY,  FROM 
1282  TO  THE  PRESENT  DAY. 
Sidney  Whitman. 

CHINA.  Robt.  K.  Douglass. 

Other  volumes  in  preparation  are  : 
MODERN  SPAIN.  Major  Martin  A. 
S.  Hume. 

THE  UNITED  STATES,  i773-i8g7- 
A.  C.  McLaughlin,  Professor  of 
American  History,  University  of 
Michigan.  In  two  vols. 
BUDDHIST  INDIA.  Prof.  T.  W. 
Rhys-Davids. 

MOHAMMEDAN  INDIA.  Stanley 
Lane-Poole. 

THE  THIRTEEN  COLONIES. 
Helen  A.  Smith. 

WALES  AND  CORNWALL.  Owen 
M.  Edwards. 

THE  ITALIAN  KINGDOM. 


Heroes  of  the  Nations. 


EDITED  BY 

EVELYN  ABBOTT,  M.A., 
Fellow  of  Balliol  College,  Oxford. 


A Serifs  of  biographical  studies  of  the  lives  and  work 
of  a number  of  representative  historical  characters  about 
whom  have  gathered  the  great  traditions  of  the  Nations 
to  which  they  belonged,  and  who  have  been  accepted,  in 
many  instances,  as  types  of  the  several  National  ideals. 
With  the  life  of  each  typical  character  will  be  presented 
a picture  of  the  National  conditions  surrounding  him 
during  his  career. 

The  narratives  are  the  work  of  writers  who  are  recog- 
nized authorities  on  their  seveial  subjects,  and,  while 
thoroughly  trustworthy  as  history,  will  present  picturesque 
and  dramatic  “ stories  ” of  the  Men  and  of  the  events  con- 
nected with  them. 

To  the  Life  of  each  “Hero”  will  be  given  one  duo- 
decimo volume,  handsomely  printed  in  large  type,  pro- 
vided with  maps  and  adequately  illustrated  according  to 
the  special  requirements  of  the  several  subjects.  The 
volumes  will  be  sold  separately  as  follows  : 

Large  12°,  cloth  extra  . . . i . . $i  50 

Half  morocco,  uncut  edges,  gilt  top  . . . I 75 


HEROES  OF  THE  NATIONS. 

Nelson,  and  the  Naval  Supremacy  of  England.  By  \V.  Clark  Russell,  author  of 
“ The  Wreck  of  the  Grosvenor,’’  etc. 

Gustavus  Adolphus  and  the  Struggle  of  Protestantism  for  Existence.  By  C.  R. 

L.  Fletcher,  M. A.,  late  Fellow  of  All  Souls’  College. 

Pericles,  and  the  Golden  Age  of  Athens.  By  Evelyx  Abbott,  M.A. 

Theodoric  the  Goth,  the  Barbarian  Champion  of  Civilisation.  By  Thonlys 
Hodgkix,  author  of  “ Italy  and  Her  Invaders,”  etc. 

Sir  Philip  Sidney,  and  the  Chivalry  of  England.  By  H.  R.  Fox-Eourne,  author  of 
” The  Life  of  John  Locke,”  etc. 

Julius  Caesar,  and  the  Organisation  of  the  Roman  Empire.  By  W.  Ward 
Fowler,  M.A.,  Fellow  of  Lincoln  College,  Oxford. 

John  Wyclif,  Last  of  the  Schoolmen,  and  First  of  the  English  Reformers.  By 
Lewis  Sergeant,  author  of  “ New  Greece,”  etc. 

Napoleon,  Warrior  and  Ruler,  and  the  Military  Supremacy  of  Revolutionary 
France.  By  W.  O’Connor  Morris. 

Henry  of  Navarre,  and  the  Huguenots  of  France.  By  P.  F.  Willert,  M.A.,  Fel- 
low of  Exeter  College,  Oxford. 

Cicero,  and  the  Fall  of  the  Roman  Republic.  By  J.  L.  Strach.\n-Davidson,  M.A., 
Fellow  of  Balliol  College,  Oxford. 

Abraham  Lincoln,  and  the  Downfall  of  American  Slavery.  By  No.a.h  Brooks. 
Prince  Henry  (of  Portugal)  the  Navigator,  and  the  Age  of  Discovery.  By*  C.  R. 

Beazley,  Fellow  of  Merton  College,  Oxford. 

Julian  the  Philosopher,  and  the  Last  Struggle  of  Paganism  against  Christianity 
By  Alice  Gardner. 

Louis  XIV.,  and  the  Zenith  of  the  French  Monarchy.  By*  Arthur  Hassall, 

M. A.,  Senior  Student  of  Christ  Church  College,  Oxford. 

Charles  XII.,  and  the  Collapse  of  the  Swedish  Empire,  1682-1719.  By  R.  Nisbet 
B \IN. 

Lorenzo  de’  Medici,  and  Florence  in  the  15th  Century.  By  Edward  Armstrong, 
M.A..  Fellow  of  Queen’s  College,  Oxford. 

Jeanne  d’Arc.  Her  Life  and  Death.  By*  Mrs.  Oliphant. 

Christopher  Columbus  His  Life  and  Voyages.  By  Washi.ngton  Irving. 

Robert  the  Bruce,  and  the  Struggle  for  Scottish  Independence.  By*  Sir  Herbert 
Maxwell,  M.P. 

Hannibal,  Soldier,  Statesman,  Patriot  ; and  the  Crisis  of  the  Struggle  between 
Carthage  and  Rome.  By  W.  O’Connor  Morris,  Sometime  Scholar  of  Oriel 
College,  Oxford. 

Uly*sses  S.  Grant,  and  the  Period  of  National  Preservation  and  Reconstruction, 
1822-1885.  By  Lieut.-Col.  Willia.m  Con.ynt  Church. 

Robert  E.  Lee,  and  the  Southern  Confederacy,  1807-1870.  By  Prof.  Henry 
Alexander  White,  of  the  Washington  and  Lee  University. 

The  Cid  Campeador,  and  the  Waning  of  the  Crescent  in  the  West.  By  H 
Butler  Clarke,  Fellow  of  St.  John’s  College,  Oxford. 

Saladin,  and  the  Fall  of  the  Kingdom  of  Jerusalem.  By  Stanley  Lane-Poole 
author  of  “ The  Moors  in  Spain,”  etc. 

Bismarck,  and  the  New  German  Empire.  How  it  Arose  and  What  it  Displaced 
By  J.  W.  He.\dla.m,  M.A.,  Fellow  of  King’s  College. 

Charlemagne  (Charles  the  Great'.  The  Hero  of  Two  Nations.  H.  W.  Carless 
Dams,  M.A.,  Fellow  of  All  Souls’  College,  O.vford,  Sometime  Scholar  of  Balliol. 

For  further  information  and  titles,  see  descriptive  circular. 


G.  P.  PUTNAM’S  SONS,  New  York  and  London. 


DATE  DUE 


